FROM the establishment of the New Haven colonial government, to its extinction by the absorption of the colony into Connecticut, there was a period of twenty-two years. Before proceeding to narrate the political history of the colony during this period, we propose to give some account of the various industries in which its people were employed; of its institutions for the maintenance of intelligence, morality, and religion ; of its military organization and achievements ; of the aboriginal inhabitants with whom its people had intercourse; and 'of the domestic and social life which resulted from these concurrent influences.

The leading men at Quinnipiac, having been engaged in commerce before their emigration, endeavored to make their new plantation a commercial town. Trade was soon established with Boston, New Amsterdam, — as New York was then called, — Delaware Bay, Virginia, Barbadoes, and England.

Supplies from the mother-country came chiefly by way of Boston ; for the three ships which in 1639 sailed direct from England to Quinnipiac were exceptions to the custom that emigrants into New England landed in


Massachusetts. If the tide of emigration had not ebbed soon after the settlement was made at Quinnipiac, ships from England might have cast anchor in its "fair haven" with such frequency as to render the plantations in the neighborhood independent of Boston as a base of supplies. But, as it happened, small vessels owned in New Haven, and navigated by her seamen, sailed frequently to and fro between the two ports. Doubtless they sometimes returned home freighted with merchandise purchased of Massachusetts men; but there is evidence that New Haven merchants exported and imported by way of Boston, sending their beaver and other furs to be transferred to the ships which had brought them English goods.

The diary of Winthrop records several such voyages that were disastrous, and others that were dangerous, though without fatal results. Nicholas Augur, one of the earliest physicians at New Haven, occupied himself to some extent, as did also his colleagues in the practice of medicine, in commercial adventures. In 1669, " being about to sail for Boston," he made his will, as if he regarded the voyage £> exposing him to unusual peril of his life. In 1676 he made another voyage to the same port; and on his return, setting sail from Boston on the tenth of September, he was shipwrecked on an uninhabited island off Cape Sable, where he and all his fellow-voyagers died except Ephraim Howe, the captain of the ketch, who, having endured great hardship during the winter, was taken off by a vessel in the following summer and carried to Salem, whence he returned to his family at New Haven after an absence of nearly eleven months. The pinnaces, shallops, and ketches employed


in this coasting-trade, carried letters and packages from friend to friend; seamen and passengers rendering such service as is now performed by express-companies and by the postmen of the government.1

The trade with Manhattan, as Fort Amsterdam is at first named in the records, did noUapparently include any great amount of European supplies: otherwise it was in general of similar character to that maintained with Massachusetts Bay. The Dutch however, being exempt from the prejudice against tobacco manifested by the good people of Boston, the merchants of New Haven, when they anchored at Fort Amsterdam on their return from a southern voyage, carried on shore many hogsheads of this Virginia product.2 To the same market they conveyed their imports from the West Indies, such as cotton, sugar, molasses, and " strong water;" completing a cargo with such products of their own neighborhood as wheat, biscuit, beef,

1 The germ of a post-office appears in an order of the General Court of Massachusetts passed Nov. 5, 1639: "For preventing the miscarriage of letters, it is ordered, that notice be given that Richard Fairbanks's house in Poston is the place appointed for all letters which are brought from beyond the seas, or are to be sent thither,'to be brought unto; and he is to take care that they be delivered or sent according to their directions ; and he is allowed for every such letter one penny, and must answer all miscarriages through his own neglect in this kind; provided that no man shall be compelled to bring his letters thither, except he please."

2 Sumptuary laws were early enacted in Massachusetts, prohibiting the use of and the traffic in tobacco. These laws were repealed, in 1637, while the New Haven company were sojourning in Massachusetts; but, though the prohibitory laws were repealed, some of the prejudice which led to their enactment must have remained. The only law regulating the use of tobacco, at New Haven, was one passed by the general court fol the jurisdiction in reference to danger from,fire.


pork, hides, and furs. It is not so evident what they received in return; but probably the trade between the two towns was chiefly an exchange of merchandise for the supply of whatever articles might be temporarily scarce and dear in either market. The Dutch at one time attempted to discriminate between their own shipping and that of their English neighbors, requiring the latter to anchor under " an erected hand," and to pay an ad valorem duty of ten per cent on all imports and exports; but were shamed into reciprocity by the sharp pen of Gov. Eaton, backed by the commissioners of the United Colonies.

Stephen Goodyear, who in the prosecution of this commerce between the towns often visited Fort Amsterdam, purchased there of the Dutch governor a ship called the Zwoll, to be delivered in the harbor of New Haven. Under pretext of conveying the ship in safety, the Dutch put soldiers on board, who on a Sunday boarded and seized the St. Beninio, a Dutch vessel lying in the harbor of New Haven, and carried her away to Fort Amsterdam, where the vessel was confiscated as a smuggler/che owner having evaded payment of certain duties or "recognitions" claimed by his government. William Westerhouse, who owned the vessel, and Samuel Goodenhouse, another Dutch merchant in some way implicated in the business, were then sojourning at New Haven, and, finding it more agreeable to remain than to follow the vessel which had been seized, placed themselves under the protection of the court, and became permanent residents. The settlement at New Haven of these strangers served to abate somewhat the commercial discour-


agement consequent on a succession of losses. The acquisition of Westerhouse was additionally pleasing, because he was not only a merchant, but a practitioner of medicine. Not long after he became a citizen, he intrusted a cask of liquor to John Lawrencson to be retailed. Some disorder having attracted attention, a fine was imposed upon Lawrencson for " selling strong waters by small quantities," contrary to an order of the court. Westerhouse, hearing of it, " acquainted the ^cpurt through Mr. Evance, his interpreter, that he knew it not to be an offence to the court that he employed any to sell his strong water, but seeing he had done it he justified the court in the fine they had laid, and he came to tender the payment. The court told him they looked not upon it as his fault, for they intended, not to fine him ; but, seeing he would pay it, the court considering how useful he had been in the town by giving physic to many persons, and to some of them freely, the court agreed not to take the fine, but returned it to him again."

Within three years after the foundations of government had been laid at New Haven, " there was a purchase made by some particular persons of sundry plantations in Delaware Bay, at their own charge, for the advancement of public good, as in a way of trade, so also for the settling of churches and plantations in those parts in combination with this. And thereupon it was propounded to the general court, whether plantations should be settled in Delaware Bay in combination with this town, - yea or nay; and, upon consideration and debate, it was assented unto by the court, and expressed


by holding up of hands." This attempt to establish an English settlement in Delaware Bay encountered opposition from the Dutch and from the Swedes, both of whom claimed exclusive jurisdiction in those waters, and, though contending one with the other, united in resisting the English. In 1642 the governor of New Amsterdam " despatched an armed force, and with great hostility burned the English trading-houses, violently seized and for a time detained their goods, and would not give them time to take an inventory of them. The Dutch also took the company's boat, and a number of the English planters whom they kept as prisoners. The damages done to the English at Delaware were estimated at a thousand pounds sterling." *

The same year the Swedish governor seized and imprisoned George Lamberton, "master of the pinnace called the Cock," and some.of his seamen, on a false charge of inciting the Indians to rise against the Swedes. Finding himself unable to support the charge, he improved the opportunity to impose a fine for trading at Delaware, though within the limits of the New Haven purchase. Not long after, Mr. Lamberton, happening to be at New Amsterdam, was compelled by the Dutch governor to give an account of all the beaver he had purchased at the New Haven trading-post in Delaware Bay, and to pay an impost upon the whole.

The next year, New Haven becoming confederate with the other New England colonies, the commissioners of the United Colonies sent letters of remonstrance to the Dutch and the Swedes, and gave Lamberton a commission to treat with the Swedish 1 Trumbull.


governor in their name about satisfaction for the injuries done him, and about the settlement of an English plantation in Delaware Bay.

The settlement of a plantation was delayed, however, from one year to another, till, in 1651, a company of about fifty men, chiefly from New Haven and Totoket, afterwards called Branford, started on a voyage for Delaware Bay with the intention of beginning the plantation so long kept in abeyance. Bearing a commission from Gov. xEaton, and letters from him and from the governor of Massachusetts to the Dutch governor, explaining their intention, and assuring him that they would settle upon their own lands only and give no disturbance to their neighbors, they came to anchor at New Amsterdam, and sent their letters on shore. " But no sooner had Gov. Stuyvesant received the letters than he attested the bearers, and committed them close prisoners under guard. Then sending for the master of the vessel to come on shore, that he might speak with him, he arrested and committed him. Others, as they came on shore to visit and assist their neighbors, were confined with them. The Dutch governor desired to see their commission, promising it should be returned when he had taken a copy. But, when it was demanded of him, he would not return it to them. Nor would he release the men from confinement until he had forced them to give it under their hands that they would not prosecute their voyage, but, without loss of time, return to New Haven. He threatened, that, if he should afterwards find any of them at Delaware, he would not only seize their goods, but send them prisoners into Holland."'

1 Trumbull.


Three years later, as appears from the following extract from the records, another attempt was made :- » "At a general court for the town of New Haven, Nov. 2, 1654, the governor read a letter he wrote on the 6th of July, by order of the general court, to the Swedish governor, with his answer in Latin, dated Aug. I, and the answer of the commissioners to that, dated Sept. 23. At the same time be informed them, that, while attending the meeting of the commissioners at Hartford, several had spoken with him in reference to settling at Delaware Bay, if it might be planted. The town was desired to consider which way it may be carried on. After,much debate about it, and scarce any manifesting their willingness to go at present, a committee was chosen; viz., Robert Seely, William Davis, Thomas Munson, and Thomas Jeffrey, to whom any that are willing to go may repair to be takerunotice of, and that, if there be cause, they treat with those of New Haven who have purchased those lands, to know what consideration they expect for them."

" On the 27th of November the committee reported that they had spoken with sundry persons in the town, but that not answering expectation, they got a. meeting of the brethren and neighbors, and for the most part they were willing to help forward the work, some in person, others in estate, so the work might be carried on and foundations laid according to God; and at that meeting they desired that the governor and one of the magistrates, with one or both the elders, might by their persons help forward 'that work, whereupon they had a church-meeting^ and propounded, their desire. The elders declared they were willing to further the work, and glad it was in hand; but Mr. Davenport said in reference to his health, he sees not his way clear to' engage in it in person; nor Mr. Hooke, because his wife is gone for England, and he knows not how God will dispose of her. The governor gave no positive answer, but said it was worthy of consideration." " They further informed that some from other plantations see a need of the work, and are willing to engage in it, and the rather if it be begun by New Haven, and foundations laid as here, and government so carried on, thinking it will be for the good of them and their posterity."


" They also declared that they had treated with the proprietors about the purchase of the land, and understand that they are out above six hundred pounds, but are willing to take three hundred pounds to be paid in four years."

Mr. Samuel Eatonr and Mr. Francis Newman, being invited to go with the company as magistrates, took the matter into consideration, and on the 4th of December signified their conditional assent. At a general court for the jurisdiction, on the thirtieth day of the following January, a petition was presented on behalf of a company of persons intending to remove to Delaware Bay, wherein they propounded that the Court " would afford some encouragement to help forward so public a work." The Court returned answer: -

" 1. That they are willing so far to deny themselves for the furtherance of that work in order to the ends propounded, as to grant liberty to one or both of those magistrates mentioned to go along with them, who, with such other fit persons as this court shall see meet to join with them, may be empowered for managing of all matters of civil government there, according to such commission as shall be given them by this court."

" 2. That they will either take the propriety of all the purchased lands into their own hands, or leave it to such as shall undertake the planting of it, provided that it be and remain a part of member ' of this jurisdiction. And for their encouragement they purpose

1 The person here intended was a son of Theophilus Eaton by his first wife. He graduated at Harvard College in 1649. In April, 1654, the people of New Haven, " hearing that Mr. Samuel Eaton, son of our governor, is now sent for into the Bay, which, if attended to, they feared they may be deprived, not only for the present, but for the future, of the helpfulness which they have hoped for from him, and considering the small number of first able helps here for the work of magistracy for the present, who also by age are wearing away," induced him to remain with them by offering to elect him magistrate. He was accordingly elected, and had now been in office about six months.


when God shall so enlarge the English plantations in Delaware as that they shall grow the greater part of the jurisdiction, that then due consideration shall be taken for the ease and conveniency of both parts, as that the governor may be one year in one part and the next year in another, and the deputy governor to be in that part where the governor is not, and that general courts for making laws may be ordinarily but once a year, and where the governor resides; and if God much increase plantations in Delaware, and diminish them in these parts, then possibly they may see cause that the governor may be constantly there and the deputy governor here, but that the lesser part of the jurisdiction be protected and eased by the greater part, both in rates and otherwise, which they conceive will be both acceptable to God and (as appears by the conclusions of the commissioners anno 1651) most satisfying to the rest of the United Colonies."

" 3. That for the matters of charge propounded for encouragement to be given or lent, to help on their first beginnings, they will propound the things to the several particular plantations, and promote the business for procuring something that way, and shall return their answer with all convenient speed."

A special messenger was sent to Massachusetts in hope of securing recruits from that colony for at a general court for the town of New Haver* held on the 16th of the following March:-

" The town was informed that the occasion of (this meeting is to let them understand how things are at present concerning Delaware, now John Cooper is returned. He finds little encouragement in the Bay, few being willing to engage in it at present, and therefore they, may consider whether to carry it on themselves or to let it fall. Mr. Goodyear said, notwithstanding tie discouragements from the Bay, if a considerable company appear that will go, he will adventure his person and estate to go with them in that design; but a report of three ships being come to the Swedes, seems to make the business more difficult. After much debate about it, it was voted by the town in this case, that they will be at twenty or thirty pounds charge; that Mr. Goodyear, Sergeant Jeffrey, and such other as they


may think fit to take with them, may go to Delaware, and carry the commissioners' letter, and treat with the Swedes about a peaceable settlement of the English upon their own right; and then after harvest, if things be cleared the company may resort thither for the planting of it."

On the gth of April (1655) : -

" The town was informed that there were several who have purposes to go, but they conceive they want number of men and estate to carry it on; now if any be willing to further it in person or estate, they may do well to declare it. It having been first made known to them*,«that, though they may go free and not engaged to be a part of this jurisdiction, yet they and all such as come after must engage upon the same foundations of government as were at first laid at New Haven, which were now read unto them, and though some objections were made, yet notwithstanding the business proceeded, and divers declared themselves willing to further it."

" And for their further encouragement the town granted, if any _ go and leave none in their family fit to watch, their wives shall not be put upon the trouble and charge to hire a watchman, the persons only which are present being to carry on that service. They also further agreed to lend the company the two small guns which are the town's, or else one of them and one of the bigger, if they can procure leave of the jurisdiction for it, with at least half a hundred of shot for that bigger gun if they have it, and a meet proportion of musket bullets, according to what the town hath, and also a barrel of that powder which the town bought of Mr. Evance. And concerning their houses and lands which they leave, what of them lieth unimproved shall be freed from all rates one year and" a half from the time they leave them, paying as now they do for what they improve. Then they shall have one year's time more, that they shall pay but one penny an acre for fenced land and meadow as they do at present."


in that particular region, springing out of and nurtured by the voyages of New Haven merchants, but illustrates the extent to which the commercial spirit ruled in New Haven. It shows us a people, who, having become satisfied that they could never in their present home see their wishes fulfilled, were looking for new shores, where, "foundations being laid as here, and government so carried on," the younger plantation might become "the greater part of the jurisdiction."

It is not impertinent here to observe that during this agitation of the people of New Haven about a removal to Delaware, two attempts were made by Cromwell to divert their attention to other places. Hutchinson says, " Cromwell had been very desirous of drawing off the New Englanders to people Ireland after his successes there; and the inhabitants of New Haven had serious thoughts of removing, but did not carry their design into execution." -, In another place he says, of the New Haven people, " They had offers from Ireland after the wars were over, and were in treaty for the purchase of lands there for a small distinct province by themselves." Mather says, "They entered into some treaties about the city of Galway, which they were to have had as a small province to themselves." If any formal 'action was taken at New Haven on the proposal of Cromwell, it was probably taken by the jurisdiction, whose records from 1644 to 1653 have been lost.1 Five years afterward the Lord Protector, having taken the

1 In Ellis's Collection of Original Letters Illustrative of English His-tory is a letter of certain ministers and others in New England replying to and entertaining Cromwell's proposal. None of the signers are New Haven men. Its date is Dec. 31, 1650.


island of Jamaica from the Spaniards, offered a portion of it to the people of New Haven. A letter of instructions for. Daniel Gookin, bound for New England, is still extant in the State Paper Office at London, dated Sept. 26,1655. According to the epitome prepared for the calendar published by authority, he is instructed : -

"To acquaint the governors and inhabitants in New England that the English army took possession of Jamaica on the loth of May last: to describe the situation and goodness of the island, the plenty of horses and cattle, and the convenience of the harbors, which are now being fortified by the English: that there are about seven thousand well armed men there, besides eight bunded more lately sent over with Major Robert Sedgwick, a commissioner in the civil affairs of the island; and that it is intended to defend the place against all attempts, and to have a good fleet always in those seas : to offer to the people of New England to remove to Jamaica, in convenient numbers, for certain specified reasons, viz., to enlighten those parts (a chief end of our undertaking the design) by people who know and fear the Lord, and that those of New England, driven from the land of their nativity into that desert and barren wilderness for conscience' sake, may remove to a land of plenty: to make these propositions to the people of New Haven, who have thoughts of removing to Delaware Bay, viz., that a part of the island next to some good harbor will be granted to them and their heirs forever without payment of rent for seven years, and then one penny an acre ; their goods of the growth and manufacture of the island shall be three years free from customs ; one of their number to be from time to time appointed governor and commander-in-chief, with persons to assist in the management of affairs; six ships will be sent for their transportation; twenty acres granted to every male above twelve years old, and ten to every other male or female, six weeks after the agreement is concluded; the whole number of males to be transported within two years."

It does not appear from the records whether the project of removing to Delaware Bay had been abandoned


before this offer of Cromwell reached New Haven, or whethef it gave place to his proposal of Jamaica; but his offer was at first favorably entertained. When it had been before the people for consideration about three weeks, the governor desiring the town at a meeting held May 19, 1656, to give an answer: -

"Lieut. John Nash spoke what he conceived to be the mind of the generality of the town, viz., That they conceive it is a work of God, and that it should be encouraged, and if they see meet persons go before them, that is, engage in the design to go with them, or quickly after, fit to carry on the work of Christ in commonwealth and also in church affairs, they are free, and will attend the providence of God in it: provided that they have further encouragement, both of the healthfulness of the place and a prosperous going on of the war, that other places thereabouts be taken, with what also Richard Miles may bring from Capt. Martin. And that this was the town's mind, they all declared by vote."

On the 28th of the same month the matter was ^brought before the General Court for the jurisdiction, where a copy of the instructions given by his Highness the Lord Protector to Capt. Gookin was read, with letters from Capt. Gookin and letters from Major Sedg-wick from Jamaica, and the intelligence which Richard Miles (who by this time had arrived home) "brought from Capt. Martin, to whom he was sent to inquire." " The deputies from the several plantations were desired to let the Court understand what is the mind of their towns in this business." " Much debate there was about this thing, and a serious weighing and considering thereof." The proposal received less favor in this assembly than it had in the town-meeting at New Haven. Perhaps the other plantations, where husbandry was the


principal occupation, did not feel so much need of a change as New Haven felt: perhaps the intelligence which Deacon Miles brought, had affected unfavorably even the New Haven people. The conclusion to which the General Court »f the jurisdiction came was: " Though they cannot but acknowledge the great love, care, and tender respect of his Highness the Lord Protector to New England in general, and to this colony in particular, yet for divers reasons they cannot conclude that God calls them to a present remove."

The disposition to find a place more favorably situated for commerce, seems from this time to have yielded to a purpose to make the best of the opportunities afforded by New Haven, and to a willingness so to modify the original intention of the planters that the town should be less dependent on commerce, and give more attention to agriculture, than was at first expected.

In the attempt to write the history of commerce with Delaware Bay, we have been led into a history of the efforts to connect with that commerce the establishment there, of a plantation under the New Haven colonial government. Such a relation is, however, pertinent to the subject, for these efforts grew out of the commerce which New Haven merchants prosecuted between the two places.

Of the commerce "itself there is much less to record than we have written of these futile attempts to establish at Delaware Bay the jurisdiction of New Haven and of England. The traffic was carried on by a corporation which owned two large tracts of land lying - - one on each side of the bay - above the Swedish forts. On one of these parcels of land was a trading-house


where agents of the company remained to traffic with the Indians, and collect beaver and other pelts to be sent home by the vessels which from time to time came into the bay.

In their traffic with Virginia the New -Haven mer chants traded with the English planters, and not with the aborigines as at Delaware. Tobacco was the staple export of Virginia, but they brought away in addition, store of beaver which the planters had purchased of the Indians. In exchange for these commodities they left with the Virginians supplies brought from England and from Barbadoes, as well as from home. The following extract from the record of a general court for the jurisdiction is illustrative: -

" Mr. Allerton, Ensign Bryan, and. Mr. Augur appeared and * informed the court, that, by reason of bad biscuit and flour they have had from Janies Rogers of Milford, they have suffered much damage, and likewise the place lies under reproach at Virginia and Barbadoes, so as when other men from other places can have a ready market for their goods, that from hence lies by and will not sell, or if it do, it is for little above half so much as others sell for; they desire, therefore, that some course may be taken to remedy this grievance. The court approved of their proposition, and. thought it a. thing very just and necessary to be done, and sent for the baker and miller from Milford, who also appeared, and, after some debate, did confess there had been formerly some miscarriages. The baker imputed it, Or a great part of it, to the miller's grinding his corn so badly, which the miller now acknowledgedh might be through want of skill, but he hopes now it is and will be better, which the baker owned; and, as Mr. Allerton now informed his bread is at present better, after much debate about this business, James Rogers was told, that if, after this warning, his flour or bread prove bad, he must expect that the damage will fall upon him, unless it may be proved that the defectiveness of it came by some other "means."


The first mention of commerce between New Haven and Barbadoes occurs in a letter written by Deputy-Go v. Goodyear, advising Gov. Stuyvesant of the deliv-eryof beef, which Goodyear had contracted to deliver upon demand, probably in payment for, the ship which the Dutch governor had sent to him at New Haven. The Dutch commissary having come for the beef at a time inopportune for Goodyear, the latter writes; "I was necessitated to furnish a great part out of what I had provided for the- Barbadoes ; 'but my en-dea»ors are and shall be to my utmost to perform my covenzftits in all things. I desire we may attend peace and neighborly love and correspondency one with another." .This letter dated Nov. 22, 1647, must have been written at a very early period in the history of the trade with Barbadoes; for sugar, the principal product of that island, began to be exported to. England in 1646. At a court held Dec. 7, 1647, " Stephen Reekes, master of a vessel that came from the Barbadoes, was called before the court to answer for some miscarriages of his on the sabbath day, viz.: .that he, the said Stephen, did, contrary to the law of God, and of this place, haul up, his ship to or toward^ the neck-bridge upon the sabbath, which is a labor proper for the six days, and not to be undertaken on the Lord's day." As Mr. Reekes was excused on the ground that he was a stranger, and " did not do it out of contempt but ignorantly," it is evident that vessels not owned in New Haven, participated thus early in transporting hither the products of Barbadoes. In 1651 Mr. Goodyear sold Shelter Island, which he had owned about ten years, for " sixteen hun-


dred pounds of good, merchantable, muscovado sugar.1 One of the purchasers certainly was a resident of Bar badoes, and apparently two others; so that it may be presumed that the sugar was delivered in the West Indies, and brought away by Goodyear in his own ship. To illustrate further the use made of this product of Barbadoes as a medium of exchange, reference is made to the fact already mentioned, that Lieut. Budd sold his house in New Haven for a hogshead of sugar. A more interesting illustration is that which Dr. Bacon thus records in his Historical Discourses: *' In the year 1665, on the day of the anniversary thanksgiving, a contribution was ' given in' for ' the saints that were in want in England.' This was at the time when, in that country, so many ministers, ejected from their places of settlement, were, by a succession of enactments, studiously cut off from all means of obtaining brea* for themselves, their wives, and their children. The contribution was made, as almost all payments of debts or of taxes were made at that period, in grain and other commodities; there being no money in circulation, and no banks by which credit could be converted into currency. It was paid over to the deacons in the February •following. We, to whom it is so easy, in the present state of commerce, to remit the value of any contribution to almost any part of the world, cannot easily imagine the circuitous process by which that contribution reached the 'poor saints' whom it was intended to relieve. By the deacons, the articles contributed were probably first exchanged to some extent

1 "Muscovado. The name given to unrefined or moist sugar." - Brandc 's Dictionary.


for other commodities more suitable for exportation. Then, the amount was sent to Barbadoes, with which -island the merchants of this place had intercourse, and was exchanged for sugars, which were thence sent to England, to the care of four individuals, two of whom were Mr. Hooke the former teacher, and Mr. Newman the ruling elder, of this church. In 1671 Mr. Hooke, in a letter to the church, said, ' Mr. Caryl, Mr. Barker, Mr. Newman, and myself have received sugars from Barbadoes to the value of about ninety pounds, and have disposed of it to several poor ministers, and ministers' widows. And this fruit of your bounty is very thankfully received and acknowledged by us.' "

Commerce between New Haven and the mother-country was chiefly carried on by way of Boston and Barbadoes. Bills of exchange on London were purchased with beaver-skin's and other products of New England exported from Boston, or with sugar procured by barter in Barbadoes. The funds thus obtained were invested in English goods, sometimes by the New Haven merchants in person when visiting their native land, but usually their correspondents residing in London. These English goods were sent out in the ships which sailed every spring for Massachusetts Bay, and at Boston were re-shipped to New Haven.

Allusion has been made to three vessels, which in 1639 .came to New Haven direct from England. We have now to speak of an attempt made at New Haven to establish at a later date a direct trade with the mother-country. Suth an achievement was regarded as


beyond the ability of any individual, and yet so desirable as to demand a general combination of effort. A company was formed, in which apparently all who were able to help, took more or less stock. This company, called "The Ship Fellowship," bought or built a ship which they made ready for sea in January, 1646. She way chartered for a voyage to London, by another association called "The Company of Merchants of New Haven." The feoffees of the ship-fellowship were " Mr. Wakeman, Mr. Atwater, Mr. Crane, and Goodman Miles." The company of merchants .consisted of " Mr. Theophilus Eaton (now governor), Mr. Stephen Goodyear, Mr. Richard Malbon, and Mr. Thomas Gregson." Wjnthrop says, "She was laden , with pease and some wheat, all in bulk, with about two hundred West India hides, and store of beaver and plate, so as it was estimated in all at five thousand pounds." Seventy persons embarked in her, some of whom were counted among the most valued inhabitants of New Haven. Dr. Bacon has graphically depicted the departure of the vessel, and the solicitude felt for her safety by those whom she left behind. " In the month of January, 1646, the harbor being frozen over, a passage is cut through the ice, with saws, for three miles; and.'the great ship' on which so much depends is out upon the waters and ready to "begin her voyage. Mr. Davenport arid a great company of the people go out upon the ice, to g^ve the last farewell to their friends. The pastor in. solemn prayer commends them to the protection of God, and they depart. The winter passes away; the ice-bound harbor breaks into ripples' before the soft breezes of the spring.


Vessels from England arrive on the coast; but they bring no tidings of the New Haven ship. Vain is the solicitude of wives and children, of kindred and friends. Vain are all inquiries.

' They ask the waves, and ask the felon winds, And question every gust of rugged wings That blows from off each beaked promontory.'

"Month after .month, hope waits for tidings. Affection, unwilling to believe'the worst, frames one conjecture and another to account for the delay. Perhaps they have been blown out of their track upon some "•Undiscovered shore, from which they will by and by return, to surprise us with their safety: perhaps they have been captured, and are % now in confinement. How many prayers are offered for the return of that ship, with its priceless treasures of life and affection! At last anxiety gradually settles down into despair. Gradually they learn to speak of the wise and public-spirited Gregson, the tyrave and soldier-like Turner, the adventurous Lamberton, that ' right godly woman' the wife of Mr. Goodyear, and the others, as friends whose faces are never more to be seen among the living. In November, 1647, their estates are settled, and they are put upon record as deceased." *

Besides its ,commerce with the places which have. been.indicated, New Haven made occasional ventures out of the usual channels, as opportunity offered. Boston had considerable trade with the* Canary Islands,

1 Of this ship, and of the strange atmospheric phenomenon which the people of New Haven regarded as a miraculous tableau of her fate, some further account may be found in Appendix III.


and Winthrop has put on record an attempt which New Haven made to share in it. We copy from his journal under the date of July 2, 1643 : -

"Here arrived one Mr. Carman, master of the ship called (blank), of one hundred and eighty tons. He went from New Haven in December last, laden with clapboards for the Canaries, being eanestly commended to the Lord's protection by the church1"'' there. At the island of Palma he was set upon by a Turkish pirate of three hundred tons, twenty-six pieces of ordnance, and two hundred men. He fought with her three hours, having but twenty men and but' seven pieces of ordnance that he could use, and his muskets were unserviceable with rust. The Turk lay across his hawse, so as he was forced to shoot through his own hoodings, and by these shot killed many Turks. Then the Turk lay by bis side, and boarded him with near one hundred men, and cut all his ropes, &c.; but his shot having killed the captain of the Turkish ship, arid broken her tiller, the Turk took in his own ensign, and fell off from him, but in such haste as he left about fifty of his men aboard him. Then the master and some df his men came"up, and fought with those fifty, hand to hand, and slew so* many of them as the rest leaped overboard. The master had many wounds on his head and body, and divers pf his men were wounded, yet but one slain. So with much difficulty he got to the island (being in view thereof), where he was very courteously entertained, and supplied with whatever he wanted."

Besides merchants engaged in coasting and foreign trade, there were shopkeepers in New Haven who kept for sale an assortment of such goods as were required by the people of the town and of the other plantations. One of these was a widow named Stolyon, living in the Herefordshire quarter, in a house which Richard Platt of Milford built and still continued to own. A disagreement between her and Capt. Turner, concerning a bargain in which he was to buy cloth of her, and she to buy


cows of him, served to put on record specifications in a charge of extortion,' from which one may glean some knowledge of prices, and of the methods in which trade was carried on : -

" 1. The captain complained that she sold some cloth to William Bradley, at 20 shillings per yard, that cost her about 12 shillings, for which she received wheat at 3 shillings 6 pence per bushel, and sold it presently to the baker at 5 shillings per bushel, who received it of William Bradley, only she forbearing her money six months. 2. That the doth which Lieutenant Seeley bought of her for 20 shillings per yard last year, she hath sold this year for seven bushels of wheat a yard, to be delivered in her chamber, which she confest. 3. That she would not take wampum for commodities at six a peniny, though it were the same she had paid to others at six, but she would have seven a penny. Thomas Robinson testified that his wife gave her 8 pence in wampum at seven a penny, though she had but newly received the same wampum of Mrs. Stolyon at six. 4.' That she sold primers at 9 pence apiece which cost but 4 pence here in New England. 5. That she would not take beaver which was merchantable with others, at 8 shillings a pound, but she said she would have it at 7 shillings, and well dried in the sun or in an oven. Lieutenant Seeley, the marshal, and Isaac Mould testified it. John Dillingham by that means lost 5 shillings in a skin (that cost him 20 shillings of Mr. Evance, and sold to her), viz., 2 shillings 6 pence in the weight and 2 shillings 6 pence in the price. 6. She sold a piece of cloth to the two Mecars at 23 ^hillings 4 pence per yard in wampum: the cloth cost her about 12 shillings per yard, and sold when wampum was in great request 7. That she sold a yard of the same cloth to a man of Connecticut at 22 shillings per yard, to be delivered in Indian corn at 2 shillings per bushel at home. 8. She sold English mohair at 6 shillings per yard, which Mr. Goodyear and Mr. Atwater affirmed might be bought in England for 3 shillings 2 pence per yard at the utmost. 9. She sold thread after the rate of 12 shillings per pound, which cost not above 2 shillings 2 pence in Old England. 10. That she sold needles at one a penny which might be bought in Old England at 12 pence or 18 pence per hundred, as Mr. Francis Newman affirmeth."


These specifications will give the reader some idea not only of prices, but of that scarcity of money which the records everywhere make apparent. Dr. Bacon has taken notice of the fact that when Gov. Eaton died, " the richest man in New Haven, with something like seven hundred dollars' worth of plate in his house, had only about ten dollars in money." The inventories of the time seldom mentioned gold or silver coin. Rates were collected in wheat, rye, pease, or maize., at a price fixed by the court. These grains and beaver-skins, being always marketable, were much used in trade. Wampum, or Indian money, consisted, says Trumbull, of "small beads, most curiously wrought out of shells, and perforated in the centre, so that they might be strung on belts, in chains and bracelets. These were of several sorts. The Indians in Connecticut, and in New,England in general, ma9e black, blue, and white wampum. Six of the white beads passed for a penny, and three of the black or blue for the same." In 'December, 1645, "it w^e ordered that wampum shall go for current pay in this plantation in any payment under twenty shillings, if half be black and half be white; and, in case any question shall arise about the badness of any wampum, Mr. Goodyear shall judge*if they repair to him." The scarcity of money naturally occasioned much use of credit; the probate-records showing lists of small debts, some of them less than a shilling, due to and by the estate inventoried. The town-records also bear witness to the same fact, allowing us to see that when A owed B, and B owed C, arrangements were made for A to deliver to C some


commodity which he required, and thus to cancel both debts.

Although the leading planters of Quinnipiac relied on commerce as the chief meanns of prosperity to themselves and to their town, they all engaged from the first to some extent in husbandry. As the years advanced, and they found themselves disappointed in their town as a seat of 'commerce, and unable to remove to a place more opportune to their pursuits, they set a relatively greater, if not an absolutely greater value on husbandry. For the first year or two, tillage was confined to the home-lots; then it was extended to the fields in the first division of upland. Afterward farmsteads were established in the second division; some occupied by the owners themselves, and some by tenants, or by. bailiffs as agents for the proprietors. At East Farms, a neighborhood on the west side of the Quinnipiac, were the allotments of David Atwater, Nathanael Turner, William Potter, Richard Mansfield, Francis Brewster, and Gov. Eaton. The governor had another farm at Stoney River, in East Haven, consisting of fifty acres of meadow, "with upland answering that proportion." Mr. Brewster must also have bad land of the second division elsewhere than at East Farms, as that farm contained only one hundred and fifty-four acres of upland, and thirty-three of meadow. This land of Mr. Brewster soon passed into the possession of William Bradley ; and Gov. Eaton's farm, " by the brick-kilns," was, by his children, transferred to their half-brother, Thomas Yale. The four families of Atwater, Turner,


Potter, and Mansfield have never entirely disappeared from that neighborhood. Mr. Davenport's farm was on the opposite side of the Quinnipiac. A portion of it remained in his family for six generations.1 Mr. Gregson had a farm in East Haven, near "Morris Cove, or, as it was then called, Solitary Cove. Dodd says, in his East Haven Register, that Gregson placed his family there before embarking 'for England in " the great ship;" but there is no sufficient evidence that the family vacated their stately house in the town, or that Gregson ever intended to give to the cultivation of the farm his personal attention. Mr. Good-year's farm was north of the town, and in the neighborhood of Pine Rock.

The planters brought with them, or procured from Massachusetts, plants and seeds which soon yielded the vegetables and fruits they had been accustomed to enjoy in England. On the first day of July, 1640, a nauglrty boy T*as, by order' of the court, " whipped for running from his master, and stealing fruit out of Goodman Ward's" lot or garden." Goodman Ward must have given early attention to the planting of his currant-bushes, to have fruit in the third summer of the plantation's history. The English grains, especially wheat, rye, and pease, were sown, and seem to have rewarded the labor of the husbandman more bountifully than in our time, producing a supply for the home

1 A diagram of Mr. Davenport's farm, as surveyed by Mark Pearce in 1646, may be seen in the Town Records, Vol. III. p. 296. "The general total of "the lands belonging to this farm is seven hundred eighty-three acres and two rods." The diagram and survey were recorded by Rev. John Davenport of Stamford, grandson of Rev. John Davenport of New Haven.


market, and some surplus for export. From the aborigines, the English learned to plant Indian corn, and to stimulate its growth with fish. Cattle - such as swine, goats, oxen, and horses - were suffered to pasture on unenclosed lands, and increased in number from year to year. Cows - when the public cow-pasture did not furnish sufficient grass - were driven abroad under the care of herdsmen, whose active aid they sometimes' needed in leaving the soft, treacherous swamps where the feed was most luxuriant.

In the other plantations of the jurisdiction, husbandry occupied the time and attention of a much larger part of thejeople than at New Haven. At Milford, a few planters were engaged in commerce; and some who were artisans worked at their trades, but the population was not sufficiently numerous to support many kinds of handicraft. Guilford was even more closely limited to tillage as an occupation. In consequence of the decision of Thomas Nash to settle at New Haven, serious inconvenience was experienced for want of a smith, till, in 1652, Thomas Smith came from Fairfield, on the invitation of the planters, who gave him a considerable tract of land, " on condition of serving the town in the trade of a smith, upon just and moderate terms, for the space of five year's."

The annals of husbandry are not eventful, and the records afford but little information upon that subject which would interest the general reader. There were pounds and pound-keepers, defective fences, unruly cattle", fines, and awards for damages. We read in the town-records of New Haven : " It is ordered; that, for what blackbirds John Brocket or others kill, he or


they applying themselves thereto shall receive from the treasurer after the rate of ten shillings a thousand." At first a considerable bounty was offered for heads of foxes and wolves; but in 1645, "the court, being informed that no man attends this service as his employment and business, but improves opportunity as he finds it occasionally, ordered that the treasurer, henceforward pay only two pounds of powder and four pounds of bullets os, shot, or the value thereof, for every wolf's head, and ofie shilling for every old fox's head, and sixpence for every young one, to such of this plantation as within New Haven limits kill and so bring them."

The great variety of useful arts practised in N«w Haven obviated, in some degree, the inconvenience which the smaller plantations in the neighborhood must otherwise have experienced. Few instances occur in the history of colonization, where within ten years from the commencement there was such fulness of "Equipment for producing' at -hoihe the requirements of civilized life, as at New Haven. The records do not enable us to make a complete list of its artisans, or ot the crafts at which they wrought, and the writer has never made a systematic attempt .to collect the names of such trades as are incidentally mentioned; but these are some which he has remembered, or with but little search has collected : viz., sawyers, carpenters, ship-carpenters, joiners, thatchers, chimney-sweepers, brick-makers, bricklayers, plasterers, tanners, shoemakers, saddlers, weavers, tailors, hatters, blacksmiths, gunsmiths,, cutlers, nailers, millers, bakers, coopers, and potters. Of these handicrafts some are so nearly related that a work-


man easily passed from one to another. Accordingly we find the same person appearing as a carpenter, a ship-carpenter, and a joiner; and his neighbor described at one time as a shoemaker, and at another as a tanner. So that, with more than tJie usual variety of a new-settlement, there wis something of the versatility commonly developed by emigration.

We have already had occasion to speak of the now obsolete handicraft by which logs were sawn into the boards and planks -necessary for the buildings and palings of the planters. It may seem to us a slow process; but, as sawmills had not at that time been introduced into the mother-country, it did not seem so to them. " The first recorded attempt to establish a sawmill in Great Britain was made near London, in 1663, by a Dutchman, in whose native country they had long been in use; but the enterprise was abandoned on account of the opposition of hand-sawyers." J A tree having been felled and cross-cut, one of the logs was rolled upon a frame over a pit. Then, the master-workman or "top-man" standing above to guide the work, and the " pit-man" or assistant standing beneath, they pulled the saw up and down, - briskly if at work by the piece, patiently if by the day. The maximum price of sawing by the hundred, as determined by the General Court in 1640, being four and sixpence for boards, five shillings for planks, and five and sixpence for slit work, and the wages of the two men who wrought at a saw-pit amounting, according to the same tariff, to four and sixpence for a day's work, we may conclude that at least one hundred feet of lumber was produced per day by each pair of workmen.

1 Appleton's New American Cyclopaedia, art. " Saw."


The trade of carpentery had many followers in a place where dwellings were to be erected within a short period for more than a hundred families. William Andrews appears to have stood at the head of this guild. He contracted in 1639 to build the meeting-house, but let out some parts of the work to Thomas Munson and Jarvis Boykin, who, with the consent of Andrews, transferred some part of their contract to Thomas Saul and William Gibbons. The two carpenters last named did not fulfil their engagement "to make the roof of the tower and turret tight, to keep out wet," and were probably absent, at least temporarily, when the defect was discovered; for a question arose between Andrews and the two who had contracted with him, which party should make the work good. "Because there was a defect of testimony on all sides, the Court advised them to consult together, and do it amongst them, so as the meeting-house may be kept dry without delay.'" The name of Thomas Saul does not appear after thjs transaction, but William Gibbons was some years later a resident of fhe town. The meeting-house needing further repairs a few years afterward, a large committee of carpenters was appointed to "consider whether then house may stay safely another year without repairs; if not, then how it may be best done for-most safety to the town, and least charge; also, whether the tower and turret may safely stand, and will not in a short time decay the house; and, if taken down, . then what will be the charge of that, and to make the roof tight and comely again." The committee consisted of William Andrews, Thomas Munson, Jarvis Boykin, John Bassett, Robert


Bassett, George Larrymore, Jonathan Marsh, and Thomas Morris. These were, doubtless, master-workmen, having under them journeymen and apprentices. The last named wrought as a ship-carpenter, but his appointment on this committee indicates that he did' not confine himself to ship-building.

Some of the ship-carpenters in the plantation, besides Morris, were James Russell, William Russell, George Ward, Lawrence Ward, and Daniel Paul. The building of a ship of large size brought in workmen from other colonies. It lis impossible to determine conclu-sively whether the New Haven artisans were responsible for the fatal c'rankness which Winthrop attributes to the vessel in which so many of their townsmen lost their lives in 1646. Rev. James Piefpont, in his letter to Mather, testifies that she was built in Rhode Island, and nothing appears to invalidate his testimony. The only occasion for doubt is found in the improbability that the feoffees would purchase rather than build; but perhaps the business required a ship sooner than one could be produced in a port where nothing larger than a shallop or a pinnace had ever been launched. If Pierpont was correct in his apprehension that she came from Rhode Island, the first large ship was built at New Haven immediately after the Rhode Island vessel sailed, and by the same " ship-fellowship " to which that vessel belonged. In August, 1646, one of the feoffees desired the justice of the court about some nails that a workman had stolen from the ship. In October "it was propounded that help might be afforded to launch the ship, for Goodman Paul informed the governor that "the keel would rot if it were not launched before winter.


Brother Leeke had liberty to draw wine for them that work at the ship." In the following January there was a lawsuit in which. the plaintiff, accounting for the fact that Sergt. Jeffrey 'did not go as master of a shallop on " a voyage to Guilford, Saybrook, and back to New,. Haven," affirmed' that " Mr. Crane, Mr. Wake-man, and Mr. Atwjater, intrusted as feoffees for the building of a ship at New Haven, desired Sergeant Jeffrey might be spared to go to the Massachusetts about rigging and other occasions concerning the said ship."

In 1648 another vessel was built at New Haven, and the interest felt in- it was so general that one can hardly believe it was the adventure of an individual; though there is no definite information that it belonged to the ship-fellowship whose feoffees had purchased a vessel in Rhode Island, and in 1646 were building one at New Haven.

The production of leather and the manufacture of shoes increased so Tapidly, that, within nine years after the commencement of the plantation at New Haven, shoes were made for exportation. At first the .tanners spoiled many hides through ignorance, as they alleged, of the tan of the country; but, even after they had professedly acquired •skill, in the use of the native bark, poor leather was sometimes produced. There was a lawsuit in 1647, in which John Meigs, R shoemaker, sued Henry Gregory of the same trade for damage suffered from the unworkmanlike manner in , which thirteen dozen pairs of shoes had been made. It appears that Meigs furnished the leather and the thread,-and carried them to Gregory "ready cut out," agreeing


to pay him one shilling per pair for making them. Abundant testimony was borne by persons who had bought som^of the shoes, that they were worthless, coming to pieces in a few days. But some testifying thatnthe leather tore, and others that the seams ripped, the Court referred the matter to a committee of shoemakers and tanners, who reported as follows: - " We apprehend tbis: that the leather is very bad, not tanned, nor fit to be sold f of'serviceable leather; but it wrongs the country, nor can a man make good work of a great deal of it. And we find.the workmanship bad also: First, there is not sufficient stuff put in the thread, and instead of hemp it is flax, and the stitches are too long, and the threads not drawn home, and there wants wax on the thread, and the awl is too big for the thread. We ordinarily put in seven threads, and here is but five; so that, according to our best light, we lay the cause both upon the workmanship and the badness of the leather.

"Goodman Gregory, upon this testimony, seemed to be convinced that he had not done his part, but then laid the fault on Goodman Meigs, that he was the more slight in it through his encouragement, who said to him,' Flap them up: they are to go far enough.' In this statement he was confirmed by two witnesses, who had heard Meigs say to him,' Flap them up together: they are to go far enough.'" '

Goodman Meigs being called to propound his damage, instanced five particulars: 1st, damage to his name; 2d, damage to Mr. Evance, to whom he had engaged himself to supply him with these goods for exportation to the value of thirty pounds sterling; 3d, damage in having his wares turned back upon his hands, Mr. Evance having refused to accept them; 4th, 'hinderance in his trade, people having on account of these shoes shunned to buy any wares of him; 5th, money paid several men for satisfaction.

222 " The plaintiff and defendant professing, upon the Court's demand, that they had no more to say, and the Court considering the case as it had been presented, debated, and proved, found them both faulty. Goodman Gregory had transgressed rules of righteousness, both in reference to the 'country and to Goodman Meigs, though his fault to Goodman Meigs is the more excusable because of that encouragement Goodman Meigs gave him to be slight in his workmanship; though he should not have taken any encouragement to do evil, and should have complained to some magistrate, and not have wrougkt such leather in such a manner into shoes, by which the country, or- whosoever wears them, must be deceived. But the greater fault and guilt lies upon John Meigs for putting such untanned, horny, unserviceable leather into shoes, and for encouraging Goodman Gregory to slight workmanship upon a motive that the shoes were to go far enough, as if rules of righteousness reached not other places and countries.

" The Court proceeded to sentence, and ordered Goodman Meigs to pay ten pounds as a fine to the jurisdiction, with satisfaction to every particular person, as damage shall be required and proved. And further, the Court ordered that none of the faulty shoes be carried out of the jurisdiction to deceive men, the shoes- deserving rather to be burnt than sold, if there had been a law to that purpose ; yet in the jurisdiction they may be sold, but then only as deceitful ware, and the buyer may know them to be such. They ordered also Goodman Gregory, for his slight, faulty workmanship and fellowship in the deceit, to pay five pounds as a fine to the jurisdiction, and to pay the charges of the court, and that he require nothing of Goodman Meigs for his loss of time- in this work, whether it were more or less; and the .court thought themselves called speedily and seriously to consider how these deceits may be for time to come prevented or duly punished." If the contemporary records of the jurisdiction were extant, we should probably find some legislation prompted by this case. Allusion to such legislation is made on the town-records a little later, when sealers of leather were appointed, and sworn " to discharge the


trust committed to them in sealing leather according toAe Jurisdiction General Court's order." It waste* tJTe same time ordered that calf-skins, deer-skins, ana goat-skins which are fully tanned should be sealed, and shoemakers were allowed fb use them for upper leather; but, as such shoes were inferior to those made of neat's leather, "the court ordered that every shoemaker in this town, mark all those shoes he makes of neat's leather, before he sell them, with a N, - upon the lap withinside, below the place where they be tied." "It was propounded to the shoemakers, that, seeing hides are now near as cheap as ordinarily they are in England, shoes might be sold more reasonable than they have been; and the shoemakers promised they would consider of it."

We have already seen that biscuit was shipped to Virginia and the West Indies. But, according to English usage, bread was made in the shop of the baker for families in the town. It was of three grades : the white loaf, the wheaten loaf, and the household loaf. "Every person within this jurisdiction, who shall bake bread for sale, shall have a distinct mark for his bread, and' keep the true assizes hereafter expressed and appointed." Then follows the assize fixing the weight of a penny white loaf, a penny wheaten loaf, and a penny household loaf respectively, when the bushel of wheat is at three shillings, and diminishing the weight of the loaf as the price of wheat increases. When a bushel of wheat cost three shillings, which seems to have been regarded as a minimum price, the weight of the penny white loaf was to be


eleven and a quarter ounces ; the weight of the penny wheaten loaf, seventeen and a quarter ounces; and the weight of the penny household loaf, twenty-three ounces. When wheat was at six shillings and sixpence per bushel, which is the highest price named in the tariff, the penny white loaf must weigh six ounces, the penny wheat loaf nine and a half ounces, and the penny household loaf twelve and a quarter ounces.

The inspector, having been sworn to the faithful discharge of his office, " is hereby authorized to enter into any house, either with the constable or marshal, or without, where he understands that any bread is baked for sale, and to weigh such bread as often as he, seeth cause; and, after one notice or warning, to seize all such bread as he 'findeth defective in weight, or not marked according to this order. And all such forfeitures shall be divided, one third to the officer for his care and pains, and the rest to the poor of the place."

Iron-works were projected as early as 1665. John Winthrop, jun., interested in mining, and Stephen Goodyear, interested in every enterprise which promised to be advantageous to New Haven, united insetting up a bloomery and forge, at the outlet of Saltonstall .Lake. The people of New Haven favored the undertaking by contributing 4abor in"building a dam, and by conceding the privilege of cutting on the^ common land all the wood needed for making charcoal. They hoped that the works would bring trade* and that Winthrop would fix his residence in New Haven. The ore%was transported from North Haven, partly by boats down the Quinni-piac and up Farm River, and partly by carts. After


two or three years, Goodyear having died, and Winthrop having ceased to think of New Haven as a place of residence, the works were leased to Capt. Clark and Mr. .Payne of Boston. Iron continued to be made for some years, but the institution did not fulfil the hopes of its projectors, or of the public.