THE company which came from London in the Hector and her consort, numbered about fifty adult men; or, including women, children, and servants, about two hundred and fifty persons. But so great was the enthusiasm excited by the report which the soldiers brought of Quinnipiac, and so strong the confidence felt in the leaders of the expedition, that when the company left Boston in the spring of 1638 its number was considerably increased by accessions from Massachusetts. Skirting the coast, and perhaps calling at Saybrook fort where Lion Gardiner, an old acquaintance of Davenport, commanded,1 they at last reached the harbor of Quinnipiac. West of the river of that name, they saw two smaller streams pouring into the harbor, each sufficient to float such a vessel as theirs. The mouth of the East Creek was where the railway now crosses East Water Street, and vessels entering it could be floated up, over what is now the bed of the rail-

1 Gardiner, in his relation of the Pequot wars, says that it was " through the persuasion of Mr. John Davenport and Mr. Hugh Peters, with some other well-affected Englishmen of Rotterdam," that he left the service of the Prince of Orange in Holland to serve the patentees of Connecticutó Mass. Hist. Coll. XXIII., p. 136.


way, as far as Chapel Street.1 The West Creek emptied its waters where the sewer now crosses West Water Street. Still farther westward, beyond Oyster Point, the West River also emptied its waters into the harbor. Up the West Creek sailed Davenport and his companions, gazing with interest on the wilderness which was to be their home. They saw a plain extending inland about two miles, at which distance stood basaltic rocks colored with iron, and so prominent in the landscape that the Dutch had called the place Rodenbergh or Red Mount. It was well supplied with timber, but there were spaces where the natives had raised successive harvests of maize. A dense forest covered a small tract where the " spruce masts ". grew; but the larger portion was an open forest, promising to supply sufficient timber for building houses and fences, with perhaps a little surplus for exportation in the form of clapboards and shingles. The tree under which they held their service of worship on the first sabbath after their arrival was a spreading oak which had not lacked room for development. Before the expiration of the second year it was ordered by the General Court that "no man shall cut any timber down, but where he shall be assigned by the magistrate, except on his 6wn ground." Such an enactment implies that there was no superabundance of timber in the vicinity of the settlement. On the west side of this plain were broad salt meadows, bordering the West River on either bank, and extending inland almost to the Red Hill which the planters called the West Rock. On the east side of the plain were 1 N. H. Col. Rec. I. 143.


still more extensive salt meadows spread out on both sides of the Quinnipiac, or East River, and also on both sides of a stream flowing into it a short distance above its outlet, which the settlers named Mill River as soon as they were able to erect a mill. The meadows on the Quinnipiac extended northward much farther than those on West River. These salt meadows on both sides of the plain, yielding abundant provender without delay and without labor, had greatly influenced the company in choosing this place for their plantation. Invisible from the deck of the pinnace, they were doubtless eagerly inquired for by those who had not been of the exploring party. But, though rendered invisible by the intervention of higher ground, they so much widened the view, that on one side the eye could reach the hills beyond the West River, and, on the other, the highlands beyond the Quinnipiac.

The temporary shelters, which the first planters of New England provided for their families till they could erect permanent dwellings, were of different kinds. Some planters carried tents with them to the place chosen for a new home; some built wigwams like those of the natives. Either species would suffice in summer; but for winter they usually built huts, as they called them, similar to the modern log-cabins in the forests of the West, though in some instances if not in most, they were roofed, after the English fashion, with thatch. It was perhaps a peculiarity of New Haven, that cellars were used for temporary habitations. They were, as the name suggests, partially under ground, and perhaps in most cases on a hill-side. If built on the bank between the West Creek and George Street, with aper-


tures opening to the south, they would be open to the sun and sheltered from the northern winds. Rev. Michael Wigglesworth,1 who came to Quinnipiac with his parents in October, 1638, when he was about seven years old, describes the cellar in which the family spent the first winter, as covered with earth on the roof. Such a covering might be effectual to exclude the cold winds of winter, but, as the boy's experience proves, it was a poor protection from a heavy rain. When he was an old man he remembered how he had been, while asleep, drenched with water permeating the muddy roof, and had been afflicted in consequence with a dangerous illness. Doubtless the party which had wintered at the place had made ready not only a public storehouse, but several huts or cellars in which their friends who were to arrive might temporarily shelter their families. These would be visible to the new-comers as they approached the shore and ascended the creek.

The pinnace in which they had made the voyage was perhaps the property of some of the company, for such a vessel would be constantly in requisition for various services to the inhabitants of a new plantation. But, even if owned in Boston, she would remain for some days till accommodations on shore could be provided for all.

It was Friday when they left Boston; and, as they are said to have spent about a fortnight on the voyage, it was the latter part of the week when they arrived. On the sabbath they worshipped under an oak-tree near the landing; and Mr. Davenport, in a sermon on Matt, iv. I, "insisted on the temptations of the wilderness, made such observations, and gave such directions and 1 See his autobiographical paper in Appendix I.


exhortations, as were pertinent to the then present condition of his hearers." He left this remark, that he "enjoyed a good day." * Lambert says that Mr. Prud-den preached in the afternoon, but does not give his authority. It was perhaps a Milford tradition, and it has inherent probability.

In the valedictory letter of Davenport and Eaton to the General Court of Massachusetts they say, "We have sent letters to Connecticut for a speedy transacting the purchase of the parts about Quinnipiac from the natives." The purchase had probably been effected before their arrival in April, though no written deed was ^igned till the following November. The natives, therefore, were expecting the large re-enforcement received by the six Englishmen with whom they were now well acquainted. They welcomed the new-comers, and were pleased to have in their neighborhood a plantation of Englishmen, to which they might retreat when molested by their enemies, and where they might barter their venison, pelts, and furs, for the much-admired tools and trinkets of the English. They now for the first time saw English women and children; and their curiosity, which, in respect to the little company left by Eaton in the preceding autumn, had waned, again drew them to the border of the West Creek. The medal

* Trumbull, i. 96. It is apparent that Trumbull had access to some diary or other written statement of Davenport. The oak-tree was about twenty feet north of George Street, and about forty-five feet east of College Street. It is said that a section of the tree afterward supported the anvil on which two stalwart generations of Beechers hammered, before Lyman Beecher transferred the ro1e of the family from the anvil to the pulpit. Their shop was in College Street, near the place where the tree had stood.


struck two centuries afterward, in commemoration of the settlement of the town, very properly represents some of them sitting near the company assembled on Sunday under the oak-tree. "Here they witnessed the worship which the English rendered to the Great Spirit. Here they began to be acquainted with the preacher whom afterward they characterized as " so-big-study man."

The English soon after their arrival at Quinnipiac observed a day of extraordinary humiliation, when they formed a social compact, mutually promising "that as in matters that concern the gathering and ordering of a church, so likewise in all public offices, which concern civil order, as choice of magistrates and officers, making and repealing of laws, dividing allotments of inheritance, and all things of like nature," they would all of them be ordered by those rules which the Scripture holds forth. For more than a year they had no other civil or eccle-


siastical organization. There were doubtless frequent meetings for the transaction of business, and, if we may judge of that year by the years that followed, there were penalties inflicted on evil-doers. But, if any individuals were authorized to act as magistrates, the record of their appointment has not been preserved. The plantation covenant, like the compact signed in the cabin of the Mayflower, was a provisional arrangement of men, who, finding themselves beyond the actual jurisdiction of any earthly government, attempted to govern themselves according to the law of God.

The first care of the planters was to choose a site for their future town; the next to lay out streets and house-lots, so that each family might as soon as possible make preparations for gardening and building. Tradition reports that they would have chosen Oyster Point but for the difficulty of digging wells, water being obtained in that neighborhood only at great depth. They decided, however, to locate the principal part of their town on the north side of the West Creek, rather than on the south side, and to make a line parallel with that stream and near its border, the base-line of the town-plot. Accordingly George Street was laid out half a mile in length and upon it as a base, a square was described. The half-mile square not being sufficient, two suburbs were added. One consisted of a four-sided piece whose shape and dimensions were determined by the two creeks as the water ran when nearing the harbor. It was bounded by George, Water, Meadow, and State Streets. The other was on the west side of the West Creek. Changes since made in the highways render


difficult the task of defining it; but Hill Street was its eastern, or more properly north-eastern, boundary.

The square described on George Street was divided by two parallel streets running east and west, and by two parallel streets running north and south, into nine equal squares; of which the square in the centre was sequestered as a market-place. The remaining eight squares and the suburbs were divided into house-lots, and assigned to the planters severally, who seem to have grouped themselves, to' some extent, according to personal acquaintance and friendship in the old country. The Herefordshire men, for example, had their lots on the south-west and south-centre squares, or quarters, as they were then called. The eight squares were for a long time distinguished one from another by the names of some prominent persons who lived on the quarters to which their names were respectively applied. The north-east square was called Mr. Baton's quarter, or in later years the Governor's quarter. The north-centre was Mr. Robert Newman's quarter. The north-west was Mr. Tench's quarter. The west-centre was. Mr. Evance's quarter, or, for a reason which will be explained hereafter, the Yorkshire quarter. The southwest was Mr. Fowler's, or the Herefordshire quarter. Mr. Gregson's name was applied to the south-centre, Mr. Lamberton's to the south-east, and Mr. Davenport's to the east-centre. The suburbs were sufficiently indicated by that appellation without attaching the name of an inhabitant. In the division of out-lands the two suburbs were united together as one society or quarter. Four lots situated on East Water Street were included with. Mr. Davenport's quarter, as one of the nine quar-


ters or societies into which the town was divided for the allotment of out-lands. John Brockett seems to have been the chief surveyor ; and he doubtless is responsible for the accuracy of angles, and the equality of the nine equal sections into which he was required to cut the larger square first laid out. The dimensions of the town plot may have been determined by the course of the creeks; for George Street, if it had been continued a few rods farther west, would have crossed the West Creek, which in its course made an angle of about ninety degrees near that point.

The town-plot having been laid out, the sections into which it was cut by its streets were assigned to groups of families drawn together by social affinity, and were severally divided among those families in house-lots differing in dimensions according to a ratio depending partly on the number of persons, in the family, and partly on the amount the family had invested in the common stock of the proprietors. Among the minor benefits secured by this elective grouping, was delay in building division fences. Each quarter, being immediately enclosed by a fence separating it from the highway, was ready for tillage. These fences were sometimes of pickets and sometimes of rails. In June, 1640, prices for both kinds were established by law. Fencing with pales must be "not above two shillings a rod for felling and cleaving posts and rails, cross-cutting, hewing, mortising, digging holes, setting up and nailing on the pales, the work being in all the parts well wrought and finished; but, in this price, pales and carting of the stuff not included." "Fencing with five rails, substantial posts, good rails, well wrought, set up, and rammed,

78 that pigs, swine, goats, and other cattle may be kept out, not above two shillings a rod." A year later these rates were reduced twenty-five per cent, the reduction being probably due to the ebbing of that tide of emigration which, till the civil war in the mother-country commenced, had constantly supplied New England with money, and a market for labor as well as for cattle and other products of husbandry. There was time for building all these fences before the season had sufficiently advanced to justify the colonists in planting gardens or driving cattle across the country from Massachusetts. The cold, which had been unusually severe during the 'winter, was protracted into the months of spring. Winthrop records on the twenty-third day of April, " This was a very hard winter. The snow lay, from November 4th to March 23d, half a yard deep ab6ut the Massachusetts, and a yard deep beyond the Merrimack, and so the more north, the deeper; and the spring was very backward. This day it did snow two hours together (after much rain from the north-east) with flakes as great as shillings." Again he writes on the 2d of May, " The spring was so cold, that men were forced to plant their corn two or three times, for it rotted in the ground." But notwithstanding this un-propitious beginning, which threatened a dearth through all New England, warm weather afterward brought on corn beyond expectation ; and Quinnipiac seems to have shared in the blessing of a good harvest, so that there was no such scarcity of bread as there had been at Hartford the preceding winter, when the price of Indian corn rose to twelve shillings per bushel, which was five or six times its usual value.


While some were planting and fencing, others were preparing lumber for the erection of permanent dwellings. Having no mill for sawing, they were obliged to slit the logs by hand; and the tariff of prices prescribes how much more the "top-man, or he that guides the work and perhaps finds the tools," shall receive than "the pit-man, whose skill and charge is less." The log was first hewn square, and then placed on a frame over a pit, so that a man could stand beneath and assist in moving the saw. This department of industry demanded their earliest attention; so that the boards, being exposed to the winds of spring and the heat of summer, might be ready for the carpenter as soon as possible. The price of inch boards must not exceed five shillings and ninepence per hundred feet if sold in the woods, or seven shillings and ninepence if sold in the town. But, as this tariff was established in 1640, prices may have been somewhat less in 1638, when the town-plot furnished all the lumber required for immediate use. Indeed, the price of lumber had fallen considerably in 1641, when inch boards must not be sold above four shillings and eightpence per hundred in the woods, or above six shillings in the town.

Before winter most of the colonists who had arrived in April were living on their "house-lots, leaving their cellars or other temporary shelters for new-comers. Some of the houses, being occupied by persons of small estates, were presumably such as a Dutch traveller saw at Plymouth, and describes as block-houses built of hewn logs. Such a presumption explains an item in a bill of sale by which one of the first planters alienated his


house and house-lot and "two loads of clay brought home." The clay was doubtless to be "daubed" between the logs. From the mention of thatchers, and the precautions taken against fire, it may be inferred that these humbler tenements were roofed with thatch. Many of the houses, however, were of framed timber, and were covered with shingles or clapboards on the sides, and with shingles on the roof. Quinnipiac had a larger proportion of wealthy men than any other of the New England colonies. Some of them, having been accustomed to live in large and elegant houses in London, expended liberally in providing- new homes. It was but natural that they should wish to maintain a style not much inferior to the style in which they had formerly lived; and as they confidently thought they were founding a commercial town in a country so rich in resources that on a single cargo exported to England they could afford to pay duties to the amount of three thousand pounds, they justified themselves in a liberal expenditure in building their houses. If they had foreseen the political changes in England which after a few years turned the flow of emigration backward toward the mother-country, - even if they had known that their plantation must depend on husbandry more than on commerce,- they might have been content with less expensive dwellings. As it was, they drew upon themselves the criticism of brethren in the other colonies. Hubbard the historian, who in 1638 was seventeen years old, speaks of their "error in great buildings," and afterward says, " They laid out too much of their stocks and estates in building of fair and stately houses, wherein they at the first outdid the rest of the country." Tradi-


tion reports that the house of Theophilus Eaton was so large as to have nineteen fireplaces, and that it was lofty as well as large. Davenport's house, on the opposite side of the street, is said to have had thirteen fireplaces.1 It is not necessary to believe that any of the "fair and stately" houses in Quinnipiac were finished in 1638. If the frame were set up and covered, and'a few rooms were made ready to be occupied by the family, the remainder of the work might be postponed till the next summer.

In October the planters welcomed an accession to their number which they regarded as an earnest of still greater enlargement. - Ezekiel Rogers, a minister of high standing in Yorkshire, having embarked at Hull on the Humber, with a company who personally knew him and desired to enjoy his ministry, arrived in Boston late in the summer. Such representations were made to him by Davenport and Eaton or their agents, that he engaged to come with his followers to Quinnipiac ; and within eight weeks after his arrival in Massachusetts a portion of his people came by water to the new settlement, encountering on the voyage a storm which drove them upon a beach of sand where they lay rocking till another tide floated them off. Rogers, expecting to be joined in a year or two by some persons of rank and wealth who had been providentially thwarted in their desire to embark with him, had inserted in his engagement to take stock in the Quinnipiac company, 1 Stiles' History of the Judges. President Stiles had been, when a boy, personally familiar with the interior of the Davenport house.


certain stipulations referring to these friends for whom he was authorized to act. The nature of the stipulations cannot now be known; but, whatever they were, Rogers, who did not come to Quinnipiac with the first instalment of his company, became convinced that they would not be fulfilled to his satisfaction, and laid the matter as a case of conscience before the Massachusetts elders, who advised him that he was released from his engagement. He thereupon decided to remain in. Massachusetts, and sent a pinnace to bring back those of his company who had left him in October.

Davenport and Eaton, being less willing than the Massachusetts elders to release Rogers from his engagement, detained the pinnace, and by a special messenger despatched letters of remonstrance which seem to have staggered him, till the elders again assembling and examining all the correspondence between the parties, confirmed their former judgment. He accordingly began a plantation in Massachusetts, which received the name of Rowley, from the place where he had exercised his ministry in the mother-country. But some of his Yorkshire friends, who had gone to Quinnipiac expecting that he would follow, did not return in the pinnace he sent for them. It was now winter, and perhaps the inclemency of the season disinclined them to leave the cellars in which they were sheltered. Perhaps the storm they encountered in coming, inspired them with dread of the sea. Perhaps they were pleased with the new plantation, admiring its leaders, enjoying intercourse with its people, and participating with them in sanguine expectation of its future. For


some reason several of the Yorkshire families remained, and became permanently incorporated in the new community.

Rogers in the course of the 'next two years mentions several times, in letters to Gov. Winthrop, the losses sustained by the people of Rowley in consequence of coming back to Massachusetts. He says, "None do know (or few) what we are impoverished by this purchase, and Quinnipiac, and the failing of some expected friends." Again, "I suppose you hear of a new sad cross from Quinnipiac in Jo. Hardy's pinnace, wherein may be much of my estate for aught I know." And still later: "It hath been a trouble of late to my poor neighbors to hear of this " (that a part of Rowley was claimed by others) " after their purchase, and building, and return from Quinnipiac." These hints were preparatory to a claim which he formally made in the autumn of 1640, that this land claimed by another party as previously granted, should be confirmed to Rowley. Appealing before the court over which Winthrop was presiding, he "pleaded justice, upon some promises of large accommodations, &c., when we desired his sitting down with us." The scene that ensued when the request was refused on the ground that the land had already been granted, is in several respects instructive. The elder lost his temper, and by that means gained his cause ; for the court, after disciplining him for contempt, "freely granted what he formerly desired." ' * In one of the letters from Rogers to Winthrop cited above, he speaks of one of the New Haven planters as follows: "Sir: Mr. Lamberton did us much wrong. I expected his coming to the Bay: but it seems he site down at Quinnipiac: yet he hath a house in Boston: I would humbly crave


The next event after the arrival of the Yorkshire company, which, deserves notice, is the formal purchase of land from the Indians. The terms had been agreed upon in the winter, but no written title had been given, formalities being postponed perhaps till a more competent interpreter than any of the planters could be obtained. Thomas Stanton, of high repute for knowledge of the Indian tongue, having been employed to come from Hartford and explain the written deed to the Indian sachem and his council, it was signed by them on the 24th of November.1 Its full text is as follows, with the exception of two hiatuses where the record-book has been torn: -

" Articles of agreement between Theophilus Eaton and John Davenport and others, English planters at Quinnipiac on the one party, and Momaugin the Indian Sachem of Quinnipiac and Sugeogisin, Quesaquaush, Carroughood, Wesaucuck and others of his council on the other party, made and concluded the 24th of November 1638; Thomas Stanton being interpreter. " That he the said sachem, his council, and company do jointly profess, affirm and covenant that he the said Momaugin is the sole sachem of Quinnipiac, and hath an absolute and independent power to give, alien, dispose or sell, all or any part of the lands in Quinnipiac and that though he have a son now absent, yet neither his said son, nor any other person whatsoever hath any right, title or

your advice to Mr. Will Bellingham about it, whether we might not enter an action against him and upon proof get help by that house." This evidently refers to Rogers' disappointment in not receiving back those of his flock who staid in New Haven, and reads as if Lamberton were to be counted among them.

'In "New Haven's Case Stated "it is claimed that Stanton, at the request of the New Haven people, was sent by their friends in Connecticut to assist in this purchase, and that Connecticut had thus consented to the transaction.


interest in any part of the said lands, so that whatsoever he, the forenamed sachem, his council and the rest of the Indians present do and conclude, shall stand firm and inviolable against all claims and persons whatsoever.

" Secondly, the said sachem, his council, and company, amongst which there was a squaw sachem called Shaumpishuh, sister to the sachem, who either had or pretended some interest in some part of the land, remembering and acknowledging the heavy taxes and eminent dangers which they lately felt and'feared from the Pequots, Mohawks, and other Indians, in regard of which they durst not stay in their country, but were forced to fly and to seek shelter under the English at Connecticut, and observing the safety and ease that other Indians enjoy near the English, of which benefit they have had a comfortable taste already, since the English began to build and plant at Quinnipiac, which with all thankfulness they now acknowledged, they jointly and freely gave and yielded up all their right, title and interest to all the land, rivers, ponds, and trees with all the liberties and appurtenances belonging unto the same in Quinnipiac to the utmost of their bounds east, west, north, south, unto Theophilus Eaton, John Davenport and others, the present English planters there and to their heirs and assigns forever, desiring from them the said English planters to receive such-a portion of ground on the East side of the harbor, towards the fort at the mouth of the river of Connecticut as might be sufficient for them, being but few in number, to plant in; and yet within these limits to be hereafter assigned to them, they did covenant and freely yield up unto the said English all the meadow ground lying therein, with full liberty to choose and cut down what timber they please, for any use whatsoever, without any question, license, or consent to be asked from them the said Indians, and if, after their portion and place be limited and set out by the English as above, they the said Indians shall desire to remove to any other place within Quinnipiac bounds, but without the limits assigned them, that they do it not without leave, neither setting up any wigwam, nor breaking up any ground to plant corn, till first it be set out and appointed by the forenamed English planters for them.

" Thirdly, the said sachem, his council, and company, desiring liberty to hunt and fish within the bounds of Quinnipiac now given


and granted to the English as before, do hereby jointly covenant and bind themselves to set no traps near any place where the ... . . . whether horses, oxen, kine, calves, sheep, goats, hogs or any sort . . . . . ............. * ....... ........... ... to take any fish out of any wier belonging 'to any English, nor to do any thing near any such wier as to disturb or affright away any fish to the prejudice of such wier or wiers, and that upon discovery of any inconveniency growing to the English by the Indians disorderly hunting, their hunting shall be regulated and limited for the preventing of any inconvenience and yet with as little damage to the Indians in their hunting as may be. " Fourthly, the said sachem, his council, and company do hereby covenant and bind themselves that none of them shall henceforth hanker about any of the English houses at any time when the English use to meet about the public worship of God; nor on the Lord's day henceforward be seen within the compass of the English town, bearing any burdens, or offering to truck with the English for any commodity whatsoever, and that none of them henceforward without leave, open any latch belonging to any Englishman's door, nor stay in any English house after warning that he should leave the same, nor do any violence, wrong, or injury to the person of the English, Whether man, woman or child, upon any pretence whatsoever, and if the English of this plantation, by themselves or cattle, do any wrong or damage to the Indians, upon complaint, just recompense shall be made by the English; and that none of them henceforward use or take any Englishman's boat or canoe of what kind soever, from the place where it was fastened or laid, without leave from the owner first had and obtained, nor that they come into the English town with bows and arrows or any other weapons whatsoever in number above six Indians so armed at a time.

" Fifthly, the said sachem, his council, and company do truly covenant and bind themselves that if any of them shall hereafter kill or hurt any English cattle of what sort soever, though casually or negligently, they shall give full satisfaction for the loss or damage as the English shall judge equal: but if any of them for any respect, wilfully do kill or hurt any of the English cattle; upon proof, they shall pay the double value: and if, at any time, any of them find


any of the English cattle straying or lost in the woods, they shall bring them back to the English plantation and a moderate price or recompense shall be allowed for their pains; provided if it can be proved that any of them drove away any of the English cattle wheresoever they find them, further from the English plantation to make an increase or advantage or recompense for his pains finding or bringing them back, they shall in any such case pay damages for such dealings.

" Sixthly, the number of the Quinnipiac Indians, men or youth grown to stature fit f6r service, being forty-seven at present, they do covenant and bind themselves not to receive or admit any other Indians amongst them without leave first had and obtained from the English, and that they will not, at any time hereafter, entertain or harbor any that are enemies to the English, but will presently apprehend such and deliver them to the English, and if they know or hear of any plot by the Indians or others against the English, they will forthwith discover and make the same known to them, and in case they do not, to be accounted as parties in the plot and to be proceeded against as such.

" Lastly, the said sachem, his council, and company do hereby promise truly and carefully to observe and keep all and every one of these articles of agreement; and if any of them offend in any of the promises, they jointly hereby subject and submit such offender or offenders to the consideration, censure, and punishment of the English magistrate or officers appointed among them for government, without expecting that the English should first advise with them about it: yet in any such case of punishment, if the said sachem shall desire to know the reason and equity of said proceedings, he shall truly be informed of the same.

" The former articles being read and interpreted to them, they by way of exposition desired that in the sixth article it might be added, that if any of the English cattle be killed or hurt casually, or negligently, and proof made it was done by some of the Quinnipiac Indians, they will make satisfaction, or if done by any other Indians in their sight, if they do not discover it and, if able, bring the offender to the English, they will be accounted and dealt with as guilty.


if at any time hereafter they be affrighted in their dwellings assigned by the English unto them as before, they may repair to the English plantation for shelter and that the English will then in a just cause endeavor to defend them from wrong. But in any quarrel or wars which they shall undertake or have with other Indians, upon any occasion whatsoever, they will manage their affairs by themselves without expecting any aid from the English.

" And the English planters before mentioned accepting and granting according to the tenor of the premises do further of their own aceord, by way of free and thankful retribution, give unto the said sachem, council, and company of the Quinnipiac Indians, twelve coats of English trucking cloth, twelve alchemy spoons, twelve hatchets, twelve hoes, two dozen of knives, twelve porringers, and four cases of French knives and scissors. All which being thankfully accepted by the aforesaid and the agreements in all points perfected, for ratification and fnll confirmation of the same, the sachem, his council, and sister, to these presents have set to their hands or marks the day and year above written.

MOMAUGIN his mark


"I, Thomas Stanton, being interpreter in this treaty, do hereby profess in the presence of God that I have fully acquainted the Indians with the substance of every article and truly returned their answer and consent to the same, according to the tenor of the foregoing writing, the truth of which, if lawfully called, I shall readily confirm by my oath at any time.


On the nth of December, Montowese, sachem of another tribe, "in presence and with allowance and consent of Sauseunck, an Indian who came in company with him," sold to the English a tract of land lying north of that sold by Momaugin, and described as " extending about ten miles in length from north to south, eight miles easterly from the river of Quinnipiac toward the river of Connecticut and five miles westerly toward Hudson's river." Montowese, reserving a piece of land near the village which now bears his name, "for his men which are ten, and many squaws, to plant in," received " eleven coats of trucking cloth, and one coat of English cloth made up after the English manner," in payment for the territory thus alienated.

The attesting marks of Montowese and Sawseunck are as follows : -

"MONTOWESE *" his mark
SAWSEUNCK his mark"


At the present day we are apt to think that these sachems sold their land for a ridiculously small price; but one who attentively considers all the circumstances of the case, the reservations they made, the protection they secured, ajid the opportunity for trade afforded by the English settlement, will perhaps conclude that what they received was of greater value to them than what they sold. It does not appear that the Indians were afterward dissatisfied with the terms of sale.

Contemporaneously with the excitement among the Yorkshire people about returning to Massachusetts, there was conference among those who had come with Prudden from Hereford, tending toward a removal from Quinnipiac to a separate plantation, in which they might enjoy his ministry. What the understanding had been between his Herefordshire flock and the London men in reference to a church and church-officers at Quinnipiac, it is impossible to determine with certainty ; but, as the latter party had brought with them two ministers in whom they were interested, we may conjecture that if they encouraged the Hereford men to believe that Prudden should be their minister, they did so in expectation that he would be united with Davenport and Samuel Eaton in the eldership of the church. Trumbull relates that Prudden preached at Wethers-field during the summer of 1638; and, as a part of the first planters of Milford came from Wethersfield on account of their regard for him and some disagreement in their church, it is probable that the project of a settlement at Milford grew out of Prudden's visit to Wethersfield. Ascertaining that by uniting his friends


in Wethersfield with those who had followed him across the sea, he could become the minister of a new plantation, and stand foremost if not alone in the eldership of its church, he naturally preferred such a position to that of a colleagueship with Davenport. Prudden's friends having determined to commence a new plantation at Wepowaug, land was formally conveyed to them by a written deed subscribed by Ansan-taway the sachem of the place and by his council, Feb. 12, 1639. Lambert relates that "a twig and a piece of turf being brought to the sagamore, he placed the end of the branch in the clod, and then gave it to the English as a token that he thereby surrendered to them the soil, with all the trees and appurtenances." But, though the land was bought in February, the projected plantation was not commenced till autumn, so that those who intended to remove from Quinnipiac remained in their houses through the summer, and cultivated their fields as they had done the previous year.

We find nothing more on record concerning the first winter at Quinnipiac, except that two vessels, bound thither from Boston, were cast away in December, there being, says Winthrop, "so great a tempest of wind and snow, all the night and the next day, as had not been since our time." We may conjecture that the work of removal was not yet entirely accomplished, - that some who had come from Massachusetts in the preceding spring, and had spent the summer and autumn in the erection of houses, were now transporting to their new homes comforts for which there had been no place in their summer habitations.