UPON the election at Hartford, May 16th, Mr. Hopkins was chosen governor, and Mr. Haynes deputy governor. Mr. Clark was added to the magistrates. The court consisted of thirty-two members; the governors, ten assistants, and twenty deputies.

The court had granted a thousand acres of land to captain Ma-son, for his good services in the Pequot war; five hundred to himself, and five hundred to be given to his five best officers and soldiers. It was now ordered, that the five hundred acres granted to the soldiers, should be laid out for them at Pequot, or in the Neanticut country. The next year the court made a grant of Chippachauge island, in Mystic bay, and a hundred and ten acres of land at Mystic, to the captain.

The commissioners met September 5th at Hartford. The meet-ing consisted of Mr. Simon Bradstreet and Mr. William Haw-thorne, Mr. Thomas Prince and Mr. John Brown, and of Gover-nors Hopkins and Haynes, Eaton and Goodyear. Governor Hop-kins was chosen president.

As the Narragansets still neglected to pay the tribute which had been so many years due, the commissioners dispatched cap-tain Atherton, of Massachusetts, with twenty men, to demand and collect the arrearages. He was authorised, if they should not be paid, upon demand, to seize on the best articles he could find, to the full amount of what was due; or on Pessacus, the chief sa-chem, or any of his children, and carry them off. Upon his ar-rival among the Narragansets, he found the sachem recurring to his former arts, putting him off with deceitful and dilatory an-swers, and not suffering him to approach his presence. In the mean time, he was collecting his warriors about him. The cap-tain, therefore, marched directly to the door of his wigwam, where posting his men, he entered himself with his pistol in his hand, and seizing Pessacus by the hair of his head, drew him from the midst of his attendants, declaring, that if they should make the least resistance, he would dispatch him in an instant. This bold stroke gave him such an alarm, that he at once paid all the ar-rearages.

1Records of Connecticut.




Ninigrate, sachem of the Nehanticks, continuing his perfidious practices, began to lay claim to the Pequot country, and appeared to be concerting a plan to recover it from the English. Captain Atherton, therefore, made him a visit, and, according to his in-structions, assured him, that the commissioners were no strangers to his intrigues, in marrying his daughter to the brother of Sas-sacus; in collecting the Pequots tinder him, as though he designed to become their head; and in his claims and attempts respecting the Pequot country. He remonstrated against his conduct, as directly opposite to all the covenants subsisting between him and the English colonies. He protested to him, that the colonies would never suffer him to accomplish his designs; either to pos-sess any part of the country which they had conquered, or even to hunt within its limits. He demanded where the brother of Sassacus was? What numbers he had with him? And what were his designs? He insisted upon categorical answers, that the com-missioners might order their affairs accordingly. Having, in this spirited manner, accomplished his business, he returned in safety.

Stuyvesant, the Dutch governor, arrived at Hartford September nth. He had been often invited to attend the meeting of the com-missioners, with a view to the accommodation of the difficulties subsisting between him and the English colonies. He chose to treat by writing, and on the 13th1 day of September, he intro-duced his correspondence with the commissioners. In his letter he complained of the encroachments made upon the West India company, and the injuries done them, both by Connecticut and New-Haven. He pretended, that the Dutch, in behalf of said company, had purchased the lands upon the river, of the native Americans, before any other nation had bought them, or laid any claim to them. He, therefore, demanded a full surrender of said lands, and such compensation as the nature of the case required. He also complained of the act prohibiting all foreigners to trade in the English colonies, and that the English sold goods so cheap to the natives, as to ruin the trade for other nations. He con-cluded with intimations of his willingness to settle a general pro-visional line, between the Dutch and English plantations, by a joint writing to their superiors in England and Holland, or by the decision of agents, mutually chosen and empowered for that pur-pose.

The commissioners, observing that his letter was dated at New-Netherlands, replied, that they would not treat, unless he would alter the name of the place where he wrote. He answered, that if they would not date at Hartford, he would not at New-Nether-lands, but at Connecticut. They consented, that he should date at Connecticut, but claimed a right for themselves to date at Hart-

1 23d old style, as he dated.




ford. He gave up the right of dating at the Netherlands, and the treaty proceeded.

The commissioners replied to his complaints, to this effect: That their title to Connecticut river, and the adjacent country, had been often asserted, and made sufficiently evident, both to the Dutch and English; and that they hoped amply to prove their title to what they enjoyed, by patent, purchase, and possession. Consequently, they insisted, that they had made no encroach-ments on the honorable West India company, nor done them the least injury. They affirmed, that they knew not what the Dutch claimed, nor upon what grounds: That at some times they claimed all the lands upon the river, and at others, a part only: That their claim was founded sometimes upon one thing, and at other times upon another; and that it had been so various and uncertain, as to involve the whole affair in obscurity.

With respect to trade, they observed, that they had the same right to regulate it, within their jurisdiction, which the Dutch, French, and other nations had to regulate it, within their respec-tive dominions: That their merchants had a right to deal with the natives on such terms as they pleased; and that they pre-sumed they did not trade to their own disadvantage. They gave intimations that, if the then present treaty should succeed agree-ably to their wishes, they might reconsider the act of trade, and repeal the prohibition respecting foreigners.

They then proceeded to a large and particular statement of the grievances they suffered from the Dutch; particularly represent-ing those which have been already noticed in this history, with several other more recent injuries. Especially, that the Dutch agents had gone off from Hartford, without paying for the goods which they had taken up: That their successors had refused to make any settlement of their accounts; and that the Dutch gov-ernor had not obliged them to make payment: That the Dutch bought stolen goods, and would make no compensation to the English, whose property they were: And that they had, not only formerly, helped criminals to file off their irons and make their escape; but that they had been guilty of a recent instance of similar conduct. They alleged, that a Dutch servant had, lately, assisted a criminal, committed for a capital offence, to break gaol and make his escape; and that the Dutch called him to no ac-count, for so gross a misdemeanor.

Various letters passed, and several days were spent, in these altercations. At length, the commissioners chose Mr. Bradstreet, of Massachusetts, and Mr. Prince, of Plymouth, as arbitrators, to hear and compose all differences with respect to injury and damages; to make provisional boundaries, in all places where their respective limits were controverted, and to settle a just and free correspondence between the parties. The Dutch governor




chose Thomas Willet and George Baxter for the same purpose. Both parties, in the most ample manner, authorised the arbitra-tors to hear and determine, in the most full and absolute manner, all differences between the two nations in this country.

The arbitrators, after a full hearing of the parties, came to the following determination, which they drew up in the form of an agreement.

"Articles of an agreement, made and concluded at Hartford, upon Connecticut river, September 19th, 1650, betwixt the dele-gates of the honored commissioners of the united English colo-nies, and the delegates of Peter Stuyvesant, governor general of New-Netherlands.

I. "Upon a serious consideration of the differences and griev-ances propounded by the two English colonies of Connecticut and New-Haven, and the answer made by the Dutch governor, Peter Stuyvesant, Esq. according to the trust and power com-mitted to us, as arbitrators, and delegates betwixt the said par-ties: We find that most of the offences or grievances were things done in the time, or by the order and command of Mons. Kieft, the former governor, and that the present honorable gov-ernor is not prepared to make answer to them; we therefore think meet to respite the full consideration and judgment concerning them, till the present governor may acquaint the H. M.1 States and West India company with the particulars, that so due repara-tion may accordingly be made."

II. "The commissioners, for New-Haven, complained of sev-eral high and hostile injuries which they, and others of that juris-diction, have received from and by order of the aforesaid Mons. Kieft, in Delaware bay and river, and in their return thence, as by their former propositions and complaints may more fully ap-pear; and besides the English right, claimed by patent, presented and showed several purchases they have made, on both sides the river and bay of Delaware, of several large tracts of land unto, and somewhat above the Dutch house or fort there, with the consid-eration given to the said sachems and their companies for the same, acknowledged and cleared by the hands of the Indians, who they affirmed were the true proprietors; and testified by many witnesses. They also affirmed, that, according to the best of their apprehensions, they have sustained 1000 pounds damage there, partly by the Swedish governor, but chiefly by order from Mons. Kieft. And therefore required due satisfaction, and a peaceable possession of the aforesaid lands, to enjoy and improve according to their just rights. The Dutch governor, by way of answer, affirmed and insisted on the title and right to Delaware, or the south river, as they call it, and to the lands there, as belonging to the H. M. States and West-India company; and professed he

1H. M. High and Mighty




must protest against any other claim; but is not provided to make any such proof, as in such a treaty might be expected, nor had he commission to treat or conclude any thing therein. Upon con-sideration whereof, we, the said arbitrators or delegates, wanting sufficient light to issue or determine any thing in the premises, are necessitated to leave both parties in statu quo prius, to plead and improve their just interest, at Delaware, for planting or trad-ing, as they shall see cause: Only we desire, that all proceedings there, as in other places, may be carried on in love and peace, till the right may be further considered and justly issued, either in Europe or here, by the two states of England and Holland."

III. "Concerning the seizing of Mr. Westerhouse's ship and goods, about three years since, in New-Haven harbour, upon a claim to the place, the honored governor Peter Stuyvesant, Esq. professed, that what passed in writing that way was through error of his secretary, his intent not being to lay any claim to the place, and with all affirming, that he had orders to seize any Dutch ship, or vessel, in any of the English colonies or harbours, which should trade there without express license or commission. We there-fore think it meet, that the commissioners of New-Haven accept and acquiesce in this answer."

"Concerning the bounds and limits betwixt the English United colonies, and the Dutch province of New-Netherlands, we agree as followeth."

I. "That upon Long-Island, a line run from the westernmost part of Oyster-Bay, and so a straight and direct line to the sea, shall be the bounds betwixt the English and Dutch there, the easterly part to belong to the English, and the westernmost to the Dutch."

II. "The bounds upon the main to begin at the west side of Greenwich bay, being about four miles from Stamford, and so to run a northerly line, twenty miles up into the country, and after, as it shall be agreed, by the two governments of the Dutch and New-Haven, provided the said line come not within ten miles of Hudson's river. And it is agreed, that the Dutch shall not, at any time hereafter, build any house or habitation within six miles of the said line; the inhabitants of Greenwich to remain (till fur-ther consideration thereof fee had) under the government of the Dutch."

III. "The Dutch shall hold and enjoy all the lands in Hart-ford, that they are actually possessed of, known and set out by certain marks and bounds, and all the remainder of the said land, on both sides of Connecticut river, to be and remain to the Eng-lish there."

"And it is agreed, that the aforesaid bounds and limits, both upon the island and main, shall be observed and kept inviolable, both by the English of the united colonies, and all the Dutch na-




tion, without any encroachment or molestation, until a full and final determination be agreed upon, in Europe, by the mutual con-sent of the two states of England and Holland,"

"And in testimony of our joint consent to the several foregoing conclusions, we have hereunto set our hands this 19th day of September, Anno Dom. 1650."

simon bradstreet,

thomas prince,

thomas willet,

george baxter.

The Dutch governor promised also, and his agents, Messrs. Willet and Baxter, engaged for him, that Greenwich should be put under the government of New-Haven, to whom it originally belonged. It was also agreed, that the same line of conduct which had been adopted, with respect to fugitives, by the united colonies, in the eighth article of confederation, should be strictly observed between them and the Dutch, in the province of New-Nether-lands. The Dutch governor also acquainted the commissioners, that he had orders from Europe to maintain peace and good neigh-bourhood with the English in America; and he proceeded so far as to make proposals of a nearer union and friendship, between the Dutch and the united colonies. The commissioners declined acting upon these proposals, without consulting their constituents; and recommended the consideration of them to their respective general courts.

While this settlement with the Dutch seemed to give a favor-able aspect to the affairs of the colonies, there arose a great and general uneasiness in Connecticut, relative to the agreements which had been made with Mr. Fenwick, and to the state of the accounts between him and the colony. By the first agreement, besides the impost on several articles exported from the mouth of the river, for ten years, the people were obliged to pay one shill-ing annually for every milch cow and mare in the colony, and the same sum for every swine killed either for market or private use. Springfield refused to pay the impost; and it seems that Connecti-cut was obliged, by the conduct of Massachusetts, to repeal the act relating to the imposition. By reason of the controversy which arose between Connecticut and Massachusetts, and some other circumstances, several of the towns, during the two first years, paid but a small proportion of what had been stipulated. The colony therefore, on the 17th of February, 1646, made a new agreement with Mr. Fenwick. This was to the following effect:

That, instead of all former grants, he should receive from the colony, annually, one hundred and eighty pounds, for ten years. He was to collect what was due from Springfield, and to enjoy certain profits arising from the beaver trade. A hundred and sev-




enty or eighty pounds was also to be paid to him from Saybrook and one or two newly settled towns. The whole amount appears to have been more than 2,000 pounds, which the colony paid for the right of jurisdiction, the ordnance, arms and stores at the fort.1 As different apprehensions had arisen, respecting these agree-ments, and the state of affairs between Mr. Fenwick and the col-ony, the general court appointed committees to meet at Saybrook to ascertain them. To quiet the minds of the people, notice was given to every town of the time and place of the meeting of the committees, and each was authorized to send representatives to hear the disputes and report the issue, with the reasons of it, to their constituents. By these means the inhabitants obtained gen-eral satisfaction.

Mr. John Winthrop, at the election May 15, 1651, was chosen into the magistracy. The assembly consisted of thirty four mem-bers; twelve magistrates and twenty two deputies.

The colony of Rhode-Island gave great trouble to her neigh-bours, by giving entertainment to criminals and fugitives. Con-necticut found it so prejudicial to the course of justice and to the rights of individuals, that the court resolved to recommend the consideration of the affair to the commissioners of the united col-onies.2

Mr. Winthrop imagined, that Connecticut contained mines and minerals, which might be improved to great advantage to indi-viduals, as well as to the public emolument. Upon a motion of his, the assembly passed the following act.

"Whereas, in this rocky country, among these mountains and rocky hills, there are probabilities of mines of metals, the discov-ery of which may be of great advantage to the country, in raising a staple commodity; and whereas John Winthrop, Esquire, doth intend to be at charges and adventure, for the search and discov-ery of such mines and minerals; for the encouragement thereof, and of any that shall adventure with the said John Winthrop, Esquire, in the said business, it is therefore ordered by the court, that if the said John Winthrop, Esquire, shall discover, set upon, and maintain such mines of lead, copper or tin; or any minerals, as antimony, vitriol, black lead, alum, stone salt, salt springs, or any other the like, within this jurisdiction; and shall set up any work for the digging, washing and melting, or any other operation about the said mines or minerals, as the nature thereof requireth; that then the said John Winthrop, Esquire, his heirs, associates, partners or assigns, shall enjoy forever, said mines, with the lands, wood, timber and water, within two or three miles of said mines,

1See the agreements, Numbers V and VI.

2Augustus Harriman, a Dutch trader, with his vessel, was seized by the people of Saybrook for illicit trade with the Indians. The court fined him 40 pounds and confiscated his vessel and cargo. They also made him give it in writing, under his hand, that he had been well treated.




for the necessary carrying on of the works, and maintaining of the workmen, and provision of coal for the same: provided it be not within the bounds of any town already settled, or any partic-ular person's property; and provided it be not in, or bordering upon any place, that shall, or may, by the court, be judged fit to make a plantation of."

Though the eastern and middle parts of Norwalk had been purchased more than ten years, yet there had been only a few scattering inhabitants within its limits. But the last year, upon the petition of Nathan Ely and Richard Olmstead, the court gave liberty for its settlement, and ordained that it should be a town by the name of Norwalk. The western part of it was purchased on the 15th of February. The inhabitants, at this time, consisted of about twenty families. About four years after, the general court vested them with town privileges. The situation of the place is very agreeable; the harbor is pleasant and safe, and the lands rich, yielding plenteously. The air is uncommonly health-ful and salubrious.1

The settlement of Mattabeseck commenced about the same time. The principal planters were from England, Hartford, and Weathersfield. The greatest number were from Hartford. There was a considerable accession from Rowley, Chelmsford, and Wo-burn, in Massachusetts. By the close of this year it became con-siderably settled. In November, 1653, the general court gave it the name of Middletown. Twenty years after, the number of shares was fixed at fifty-two. This was the whole number of the householders, at that period, within the town.

The agreement, made the last year, with the Dutch governor, and his professions of amity, encouraged the English to prosecute the settlement of the lands, which they had purchased in the vicin-ity of the Dutch.

Fifty men from New-Haven and Totoket, made preparations to settle their lands at Delaware. This spring, they hired a vessel to transport themselves and their effects into those parts. They had a commission from governor Eaton; and he wrote an ami-cable letter to the Dutch governor, acquainting him with their design; assuring him, that, according to the agreement at Hart-ford, they would settle upon their own lands, and give no disturb-ance to their neighbours. A letter, of the same import, was also addressed to him from the governor of Massachusetts. But no sooner had governor Stuyvesant received the letters, than he ar-rested the bearers, and committed them close prisoners, under

1From the first settlement of the town, to 1732, a term of more than 8o years, there was no general sickness, except the measles, in the town. From 1715, to 1719, there died in that large town, twelve persons only. Out of one train band, consisting of a hundred men, there died not one person, from 1716, to 1730, during the term of fourteen years. Mrs. Hanford, relict of the first minister of the town, died September 12th, 1730, aged 100 years. Manuscripts of the Rev. Moses Dick-inson.




guard. Then sending for the master of the vessel to come on shore, that he might speak with him, he arrested and committed him. Others, as they came on shore, to visit and assist their neighbours, were confined with them. The Dutch governor de-sired to see their commission, promising it should be returned when he had taken a copy. But when it was demanded of him, he would not return it to them. Nor would he release the men from confinement, until he had forced them to give it under their hands, that they would not prosecute their voyage; but, without loss of time, return to New-Haven. He threatened, that, if he should afterwards find any of them at Delaware, he would not only seize their goods, but send them prisoners into Holland. He also caused a considerable part of the estate of the inhabitants of South-ampton to be attached, and would not suffer them to remove it within the jurisdiction of the English. Captain Tapping, Mr. Fordham, and others, therefore complained, and petitioned to the commissioners for redress.

They met this year at New-Haven, September I4th. The mem-bers were Mr. Bradstreet and captain John Hawthorne, Mr. John Brown and Mr. Timothy Hatherly, governor Hopkins and Mr. Ludlow, governors Eaton and Goodyear. Governor Eaton was chosen president.

Jasper Crane and William Tuttle, in behalf of themselves, and many others, inhabitants of New-Haven and Totoket, presented a petition to the commissioners, complaining of the treatment which they had received from the Dutch governor, and represent-ing, that they had sustained more than three hundred pounds damage, besides the insult and injury done to the united colonies. They showed, that the Dutch had seized, and were about to fortify, upon the very lands which they had bought of the original pro-prietors at Delaware: That, had it not been for the injustice and violence of the Dutch, the New-England colonies might have been greatly enlarged, by settlements in those parts; that the gospel might have been published to the natives, and much good done, not only to the colonies, at present, but to posterity. They also represented, that the Dutch were, by gifts and art, enticing the English to make settlements under their jurisdiction. They in-sisted, that suffering them thus to insult the English, and to seize on lands to which they could shew no just claim, would encourage them to drive them from their other settlements, and to seize on their lands and property, whenever they pleased; and that it would make them contemptible among the natives, as well as among all other nations. They pressed the commissioners, therefore, to act with spirit, and immediately to redress the injuries which had been done to them and the colonies.

The commissioners nevertheless, declined acting against the Dutch, without previously writing, and attempting to obtain re-




dress by negotiation. They wrote to Stuyvesant, insisting that he had acted in direct contravention of the agreement at Hartford, and noticed that, in a letter to governor Eaton, he had threatened force of arms, and bloodshed, to any who should go to make settlements upon their lands, at Delaware, to which he was unable to show any claim. They represented to him, how deficient it appeared at Hartford, not only to the commissioners, but even to the arbitrators of his own choosing. They charged him with a breach of the engagement of Mr. Willet and Mr. Baxter, in his behalf, with respect to the restoration of Greenwich to the gov-ernment of New-Haven. They remonstrated against his conduct, in imprisoning the people of New-Haven and Totoket, in detain-ing their commission, and frustrating their voyage; and also in beginning to erect fortifications upon the lands of the New-Haven people, at Delaware. They affirmed, that they had as good a right to the Manhadoes, as the Dutch had to those lands. They declared that the colonies had just cause to vindicate and promote their interests, and to redress the injuries which had been done to their confederates. They protested, that whatever inconven-iences or mischief might arise upon it would be wholly chargeable to his unneighbourly and unjust conduct.

At the same time, for the encouragement of the petitioners, they resolved, that if, at any time, within twelve months, they should at-tempt the settlement of their lands, at Delaware, and, at their own charge, transport a hundred and fifty, or at least a hundred men, well armed, with a good vessel or vessels for such an enterprise, with a sufficient quantity of ammunition; and warranted by a commission from the authority at New-Haven, that then, if they should meet with any opposition from the Dutch or Swedes, they would afford them a sufficient force for their defence. They also resolved, that all English planters, at Delaware, either from New-Haven, or any other of the united colonies, should be under the jurisdiction of New-Haven.

The Pequots among the Moheagans and Narragansets, and those who had removed to Long-Island, had, to this time, neg-lected to pay any part of the tribute, which had been stipulated, at Hartford, in 1638, upon condition, that the English would spare their lives and defend them from their enemies. The general court had given orders, that it should be collected forthwith, and had appointed captain Mason to go to Long-Island, and demand it of the Pequots there, as well as of those in other places.

Uncas, with a number of the Moheagans, and of Ninigrate's men, therefore presented himself before the commissioners; and, in behalf of the Pequots, paid a tribute of about three hundred fathoms of wampum. He then, in their name, demanded, why this tribute was required? How long it was to continue? And whether it must be paid by the children yet unborn?




The commissioners answered, that, by covenant, it had been annually due ever since the year 1638: That after a just war, in which the Pequots were conquered, the English, to spare, as far as might be, the blood of the guilty, accepted of a small tribute, as expressed in the covenant. They insisted, that they had a right to demand it as a just debt. They observed, that twelve years' tribute was now due, reckoning only to the year 1650; but that, to show their lenity, and encourage the Pequots, if they would behave themselves well, and pay the tribute agreed upon, for ten years, reckoning from 1650, they would give them all which was due for past years; and that, at the expiration of the ten years, they and their children should be free. This, it seems, they thank-fully accepted, and afterwards became as faithful friends to the English as the Moheagans. They assisted them in their wars with other Indians; especially, in that against Philip and the Narra-gansets.

While the commissioners were at New-Haven, two French gen-tlemen, Monsieur Godfroy and Monsieur Gabriel Druillets, ar-rived in the capacity of commissioners from Canada. They had been sent by the French governor, Monsieur D'Aillebout, to treat with the united colonies. They presented three commissions, one from Monsieur D'Aillebout, another from the council of New-France, and a third to Monsieur Gabriel Druillets, who had been authorized to publish the doctrines and duties of Christianity among the Indians.

In behalf of the French in Canada, and the christianized Indians in Acadia, they petitioned for aid against the Mohawks and war-riors of the six nations. They urged, that the war was just, as the Mohawks had violated the most solemn leagues, and were perfidious and cruel: That it was a holy war, as the Acadians were converted Indians, and the Mohawks treated them barbar-ously, because of their Christianity. They insisted, that it was a common concern to the French and English nations, as the war with the six nations interrupted the trade of both, with the Indians in general.

Monsieur Druillets appeared to be a man of address. He opened the case to the best advantage, displaying all his art, and employing his utmost ability to persuade the commissioners to engage in the war against the six nations. He urged, that, if they would not consent to join in the war, they would at least, permit the enlistment of volunteers, in the united colonies, for the French service; and grant them a free passage through the colonies, by land or water, as the case might require, to the Mohawk country. He also pleaded, that the christianized Indians might be taken under the protection of the united colonies. He made fair prom-ises of the ample compensation which the French would make the colonies for these services. He represented, that, if these points




could be gained, they would enter immediately upon a treaty, for the establishment of a free trade between the French and English in all parts of America.

The reply of the commissioners exhibits policy and prudence; showing, that they were not ignorant of men, nor of the arts of negotiation. They answered, that they looked upon such Indians, as had received the yoke of Christ, with another eye, than upon those who worshipped the devil; That they pitied the Acadians, but saw no way to help them, without exposing the English col-onies, and their own neighbouring Indians, to war: and that some of those Indians professed Christianity no less than the Acadians. They observed, that it was their desire, by all just means, to keep peace with all men, even with these barbarians; and that they had no occasion for war with the Mohawks, who, in the war with the Pequots, had shown a real respect to the English colonies, and had never since committed any hostility against them. They declared their readiness to perform all offices of righteousness, peace, and good neighbourhood towards the French colony; yet, that they could not permit the enlisting of volunteers, nor the marching of the French and their Indians through the colonies, without giving grounds of offence and war to the Mohawks, and exposing both themselves and the Indians, whom they ought to protect. They observed, that the English engaged in no war, until they were satisfied that it was just, nor until peace had been offered on reasonable terms, and had been refused: that the Mo-hawks were neither in subjection to the English, nor in league with them; so that they had no means of informing themselves what they could say in their own vindication. They, also, assured the French ambassadors, that they were exceedingly dissatisfied with that mischievous trade, which the French and Dutch had carried on, and still continued, with the Indians, in vending them arms and ammunition, by which they were encouraged, and made insolent, not only against the Christian Indians and catechumens, but against all Christians in Europe, as well as America. But if all other difficulties were removed, they represented, they had no such short and convenient passage, by land or water, as might be had by Hudson's river to fort Aurania and beyond; in the pos-session of the Dutch. They concluded, by observing, that the honoured French deputies, as they conceived, had full powers to settle a free trade between the English and French colonies; but if, for reasons best known to themselves, it was designed to limit the English, by the same restraints and prohibitions to which the unprivileged French were subjected, not suffering them to trade, until they had obtained a particular license from the governor and company of New France, they must wait a more favourable opportunity for negotiation. Such an opportunity, whenever It should offer, they intimated they should readily embrace.

1 1Records of the united colonies.




The commissioners, apprehending that there was little prospect of obtaining a redress of their grievances from the Dutch, by remonstrance and negotiation, wrote to Mr. Winslow, agent for Massachusetts in England, on the subject. They represented the claims and rights of the colonies, and the injuries which they suffered from the Dutch. They insisted, that their conduct was a high affront, not only to the colonies, but to the honour of the English nation. They desired Mr. Winslow to inquire how the parliament and council of state esteemed the ancient patents, and how any engagements of the colonies against the Dutch, for the defence of their rights, would be viewed by the parliament. It was desired, that he would give them the earliest information on the subject.

The people at New-Haven persisted in their purpose of making, if possible, a permanent settlement upon their lands at Delaware. They were sensible, that such was the situation of their affairs, that a leader, who was not only a politician, but a man of known courage, military skill and experience, would be of great impor-tance to the enterprise. They, therefore, made application to cap-tain Mason, to remove with them to Delaware, and take on him the management of the company. They made him such offers, that it seems he had a design of leaving the colony, and putting himself at the head of the English settlements in those parts. But the general court at Connecticut, would by no means consent. They unanimously desired him to entertain no thoughts of chang-ing his situation. This appears to have prevented his going, and to have frustrated the design.

The grand list of the colony appears this year, for the first time, upon the records. There are the lists of seven towns only. The others either paid no taxes, or their lists were not completed and returned. The amount of the whole, was 75,492l. 10s. 6d. It ap-pears that the towns, at this period, were not, upon an average, more than equal to our common parishes at this day.

At the general election in Connecticut, in 1652, the former magistrates were re-elected.

The commencement of hostilities, the last year, between Eng-land and Holland, the perfidious management of the Dutch gov-ernor, with apprehensions of the rising of the Indians, spread a general alarm through the colony.

The assembly convened on the 3Oth of June, and adopted sev-eral measures for the common safety. Orders were given, that the cannon at Saybrook should be well mounted on carriages; that the fort should be supplied with ammunition; and that the in-habitants, who were scattered abroad, should collect their families into it, and hold themselves in the best state of readiness for their common defence.

In April, 1653, the Indians in the vicinity of the several planta-




tions, within the colony, were required to give testimony of their friendship and fidelity to the English, by delivering up their arms to the governor and magistrates. Those who refused, were to be considered as enemies.

Stuyvesant, the Dutch governor, made no satisfaction for past injuries; but added new insults and grievances to those which were past. He again revived the claims which he had renounced at Hartford; and though he restrained the Dutch from open hos-tility, yet he used all his arts with the Indians to engage them to massacre the English colonists.

A discovery was made in March, that he was confederate with the Indians, in a plot for the extirpation of the English colonies. An extraordinary meeting of the commissioners was called upon the occasion April 19th. It consisted of Governor Endicott, Mr. William Hawthorne, William Bradford, Esq'r. Mr. John Brown, Mr. Ludlow, Captain Cullick, Governor Eaton, and Captain John Astwood. Gov. Endicott was chosen president.

Upon a close attention to the reports which had been spread, and a critical examination of the evidence, all the commissioners, except those of the Massachusetts, were of the opinion, that there had been a horrid and execrable plot, concerted by the Dutch governor and the Indians, for the destruction of the English colonies. Ninigrate, it appeared, had spent the winter at the Man-hadoes, with Stuyvesant, on the business. He had been over Hudson's river, among the western Indians; procured a meeting of the sachems; made ample declarations against the English; and solicited their aid against the colonies. He was brought back in the spring, in a Dutch sloop, with arms and ammunition from the Dutch governor. The Indians, for some hundreds of miles, appeared to be disaffected and hostile. Tribes, which be-fore had been always friendly to the English, became inimical; and the Indians boasted, that they were to have goods from the Dutch, at half the price for which the English sold them, and powder as plenty as the sand. The Long-Island Indians testified to the plot. Nine sachems, who lived in the vicinity of the Dutch, sent their united testimony to Stamford, "that the Dutch govern-or had solicited them, by promising them guns, powder, swords, wampum, coats, and waistcoats, to cut off the English." The messengers who were sent, declared "they were as the mouth of the nine sagamores who all spake, they would not lie." One of the nine sachems, afterwards, came to Stamford, with other Ind-ians, and testified the same. The plot was confessed by a Wam-peag and a Narraganset Indian, and was confirmed by Indian testimonies from all quarters.1 It was expected, that a Dutch fleet would arrive, and that the Dutch and Indians would unite in the destruction of the English plantations. It was rumoured,

1Records of the united colonies





that the time for the massacre was fixed upon the day of the public election, when the freemen would be generally from home.

The country was exceedingly alarmed; especially Connecticut and New-Haven. They were greatly hindered in their ploughing, sowing, planting, and in all their affairs. They were worn down with constant watching and guarding, and put to great expense for the common safety.

Six of the commissioners were satisfied, that they had just grounds of war with the Dutch. They drew up a general declara-tion of their grievances, for the satisfaction of the people. They also stated the evidence they had of the conspiracy, which they supposed was then in hand. They determined, nevertheless, be-fore they commenced hostilities against the Dutch, to acquaint the governor with the discovery which they had made, and to give him an opportunity of answering for himself.

In the mean time letters arrived from the Dutch governor, in which he appeared, with great confidence, absolutely to deny the plot which had been charged upon him. He offered to go or send to Boston to clear his innocence; or desired that some persons might be deputed and sent to the Manhadoes, to examine the charges and receive his answers. Other letters arrived at the same time confirming the evidence of the conspiracy, and repre-senting, that the Indians were hastened to carry it into execution.

The commissioners determined to send agents to the governor; and with the utmost dispatch made choice of Francis Newman, one of the magistrates of New-Haven, captain John Leveret, after-wards governor of Massachusetts, and Mr. William Davis. They vested them with plenary powers to examine the whole affair, and to receive the governor's answer, according to his own proposals.

Stuyvesant, in his letters, pretended to express his admiration, that the English should give credit to Indian testimony. The commissioners, therefore, in their reply, charged him with making use of heathen testimony against New-Haven; and observed, that Kieft, his predecessor, had used Indian testimonies against the English in a strange manner, in a case of treason, and life or death. They also acquainted him with the bloody use which the Dutch governor and his council had made of the confession of the Japa-nese, against captain Towerson and the English Christians at Am-boyna, though it was extorted by torture.

They wrote to Monsieur Montague and captain Newton, who were of the Dutch governor's council, that his protestations of in-nocence gave them no satisfaction. They charged the fiscal,1 as well as the governor, with the plot. They stated their grievances, demanded satisfaction for past injuries, and security for the future.

While their agents were employed at the Manhadoes, they de-termined on the number of men to be raised, in case of a war.

1That is, the treasurer





For the first expedition they resolved to send out five hundred; and appointed captain Leveret to the chief command. They also determined, that, should they engage in war with the Dutch, the commissioners of the united colonies should meet at New-Haven, to give all necessary directions respecting the expedition, and to order the war in general.

Notwithstanding the fair proposals which governor Stuyvesant had made, he would submit to no examination, by the agents, any further than a committee of his own appointing should consent. Two of the committee were persons who had been complained of for misdemeanors, at Hartford; and one of them had been laid under bonds for his crimes. The agents conceived, that the very proposal of such persons as a committee was a high affront to them, to the united colonies, and to the English nation. Besides, the Dutch governor would not suffer the witnesses to speak unless they were previously laid under such restraints as would prevent all benefit from their evidence. The agents not only objected to the committee, and declined all connection with them, but re-monstrated against the restraints proposed to be laid on the wit-nesses. Finding that nothing could be effected with respect to the design of their agency, they, in a spirited manner, demanded sat-isfaction for insults and injuries past, and security against future abuse, and took leave of the Manhadoes.

As they returned, they took various testimonies respecting the plot; some from the Indians, and others from the English, sworn before proper authority. Before their return, the commissioners were dispersed, and the general elections were finished. The courts at Connecticut and New-Haven voted their respective quotas of men, appointed their officers, and gave orders, that all necessary preparations should be made for the designed expe-dition.

On the election at Hartford, the former officers were rechosen. The time of election, at New-Haven, had been changed from Oc-tober to May; and this year was on the 25th of the month. The governors were the same as they had been for several years, Eaton and Goodyear. The magistrates were, Mr. William Fowler, Mr. John Astwood, William Leet, Esquire, Mr. Joshua Atwater, and Mr. Francis Newman. Mr. Atwater was treasurer, and Mr. New-man secretary.

Immediately, on the return of the agents, from the Manhadoes, the general court of Massachusetts summoned another extraor-dinary meeting of the commissioners, at Boston, about the last of May. The commissioners were all the same who composed the last meeting, except Mr. Bradstreet in the room of governor En-dicott, who was obliged to attend the general court.

The agents made report of the treatment which they had re-ceived from the Dutch, and of such evidence as they had taken




of the plot on their return. The commissioners were also certi-fied, that the Indians, on Long-Island, had charged the fiscal with the plot; and that captain Underhill, having reported what the Indians declared, was seized and carried by a guard of soldiers, from Flushing to the Manhadoes, where he was confined by the fiscal, until what he had reported, was affirmed to his face; then he was dismissed, without trial, and all his charges borne. No sooner had the agents taken their departure from the Manhadoes, than the captain, because he had been active in exhibiting the evi-dence of the Dutch and Indian conspiracy, notwithstanding all the important services he had rendered the Dutch, was ordered to depart. The commissioners received a letter from him, May 24th, representing the extreme danger in which he and all the English were, assuring them, that as necessity had no law, he had, like Jep-thah, put his life in his hand, to save English blood; and that he was waiting their orders, with loyalty to them and the parliament, to vindicate the rights of the nation. The Dutch demanded, that all the English among them should take an oath of fidelity to them. This, in case of war, might have induced them to fight against their own nation.

The people of Hampstead, at the same time, represented that they were in the utmost danger, and wrote, in the most pressing manner, for arms and ammunition, to defend themselves. Letters were also sent from Connecticut and New-Haven, with intelli-gence, that the Dutch governor, by presents of wampum, coats, and other articles, was exciting the Mohawks, and various Indian tribes, to rise and attack the English, both on Long-Island, and on the main.

A long letter from the Dutch governor was also received, in which, in general terms, he excused himself relative to the plot; but he gave no encouragement of the least satisfaction, in a single instance; or that the colonies should be more safe from injury and insult, for the future. Indeed, he still insulted them, renewing the claims, both to Connecticut and New-Haven, which he had given up at Hartford.

All the commissioners, excepting Mr. Bradstreet, voted for war against the Dutch. He was under the influence of the general court of Massachusetts, who were using all their arts to oppose the commissioners, and prevent open hostility. The commis-sioners, however, so strenuously urged the justice and necessity of an immediate war with the Dutch, and so spiritedly remon-strated against the conduct of the court, as violators of the articles of union, that they appointed a committee of conference with them. They desired, that a statement of the case might be made, and the advice of the elders taken on the subject. The commit-tee of the court were major Denison and captain Leveret.

The commissioners replied, that their former declaration, their




letter to the Dutch governor, and the evidence before them, af-forded clear and sufficient light in the affair. Nevertheless, they appointed captain Hawthorne, Mr. Bradford, and governor Ea-ton, a committee to confer with the gentlemen appointed by the court. Governor Eaton drew a statement of the case, in behalf of the committee of the commissioners. The committee from the general court would not consent to it, but drew a statement of their own. Under the influence of the general court, and the dif-ferent representation which their committee had made, the elders gave their opinion:

"That the proofs and presumptions of the execrable plot, tend-ing to the destruction of so many of the dear saints of God, im-puted to the Dutch governor and the fiscal, were of such weight as to induce them to believe the reality of it; yet they were not so fully conclusive, as to clear up a present proceeding to war before the world; and to bear up their hearts with that fulness of per-suasion, which was meet in commending the case to god, in prayer, and to the people in exhortations; and that it would be safest for the colonies to forbear the use of the sword; but advised to be in a posture of defence, and readiness for action, until the mind of god should be more clearly known, either for a more settled peace, or manifest grounds of war."

It seems, that the affair was very partially referred to the min-isters, whether the evidence of the plot was so clear as to warrant a war; whereas, this was but one circumstance among many, which might render it just and necessary. These ought to have been considered, no less than the other. The deputies of the court concurred with the clergy.

In the mean time, all the commissioners, except Mr. Bradstreet, continued determined for war. Governor Eaton insisted, that the Dutch had, for many years, during a succession of governors, multiplied injuries and hostile affronts, with treachery and false-hood, against the English, to their very great damage: That these injuries had been fully and repeatedly represented to them, and satisfaction demanded; yet that nothing had been received in re-turn, but dilatory, false, and offensive answers. He observed, that the governor and his associates had been formerly suspected and accused of instigating the Indians against the English; and that now a treacherous and bloody plot had been discovered, and charged upon him and his fiscal, by more witnesses than could have been expected; that by it the peace of the country had been disturbed, their own lives, the lives of their children, and all their connexions, had been in constant jeopardy: That though they had allowed the Dutch governor a fair opportunity of clearing himself, of making satisfaction, and securing the colonies for the future; yet that, by his conduct, he had increased the evidence of his guilt; and that he had given the colonies no security for their




future peace and safety; nor had they the least reason to expect them. He insisted, that the English, under the jurisdiction of the Dutch, were in the most immediate danger, not only from them, but the Indians, through their instigation; because they would not submit to an oath to join with them in fighting against their own nation. He urged, that the insolence, treachery, and bitter en-mity, which the Dutch had manifested against the nation of Eng-land, and all the English abroad, as they had opportunity, were sufficient to assure them that, as soon as the States General should be able to send a small fleet to the Manhadoes, the colonies could not be safe, either in their persons or property, by land or sea. He further insisted, that the state of the commonwealth of England, and of the colonies, was such as called for war; and that, if either of the colonies should refuse to join in it, against the common enemy, and if any of the plantations, through such re-fusal, should be destroyed, the guilt of such blood would lie upon them.1

Some faithful people in the Massachusetts were entirely op- posed to the conduct of their general court, and ventured to ex- press their opinion. The Rev. Mr. Norris, of Salem, sent a writ- ing to the commissioners, representing the necessity of a war. He urged, that if the colonies, in their then present circumstances, should neglect to engage in it, it would be a declaration of their neutrality in the contest; might be viewed in that light by the parliament; and be of great and general disservice to their inter- ests: That the spending of so much time in parleys and treaties, after all the injuries they had received, and while the enemy was insulting them, and fortifying against them, would make them contemptible among the Indians: That it was dishonoring god, in whom they professed to trust, and bringing a scandal among themselves. He insisted that, as their brethren had sent their moan to them, and desired their assistance, if they should refuse, the curse of the angel of the Lord against Meroz would corne upon them. This, he said, he presented in the name of many pen- sive hearts.2

But nothing could induce the Massachusetts to unite with their brethren, in a war against the Dutch. The general court, in direct Violation of the articles of confederation, resolved, that no deter-mination of the commissioners, though they should all agree, should bind the general court to join in an offensive war, which should appear to such general court to be unjust. This declara-tion gave great uneasiness to the commissioners, and to the sister colonies. Indeed, it nearly effected a dissolution of their union.

The commissioners, finding that the Massachusetts would not submit to their determination, nor afford any assistance to her confederates, dissolved.

1Records of the united colonies.

2Records of the united colonies.




In this important crisis, governor Haynes called a special court, on the 25th of June. The court resolved, that the fears and dis-tresses of the English, bordering upon the Dutch, and the dam-ages which they had sustained, should be forthwith represented to the magistrates in Massachusetts: That the opinion of the court, respecting the power of the commissioners to make war, and the reasons of their opinion, should be communicated. They also de-termined, that their messengers should humbly pray, that war might be carried on against the Dutch, according to the deter-mination of the commissioners. The messengers were instructed, to use their influence, that three magistrates might have power to call a meeting of the commissioners, at Hartford or New-Haven, to conduct the affairs of the war, as occasion might require. If this could not be obtained they were to desire that liberty might be given to enlist volunteers, in the Massachusetts, for the defence of the colonies.

Governor Haynes and Mr. Ludlow, were appointed to confer with governor Eaton and his council on the subject. The court at New-Haven were no less clear and unanimous, in the opinion of the power of the commissioners to declare war and make peace, than the general court at Connecticut; and that all the colonies were absolutely bound by their determination. Both colonies united in sending the messengers, and in the purport of their mes-sage. But nothing more could be obtained, than the calling of an-other meeting of the commissioners, at Boston.

They met on the 11th of September. The resolutions of the general courts of Connecticut and New-Haven were produced, expressing their entire approbation of the determination of the commissioners, and remonstrating against the declaration of the general court of Massachusetts, and the sense which they had put on the articles of confederation.

The general court of Massachusetts returned an answer to this effect: that since their brethren of the other colonies had appre-hensions different from theirs, they judged it might conduce most to peace to waive the point in controversy. At the same time, they intimated they had no occasion to answer them.

The commissioners refused to accept this as an answer. They insisted, that they had ample powers, from all the other colonies, to determine, in all affairs of peace and war; and that this was con-sistent with the grammatical, and true sense of the articles of con-federation. They insisted, that it was totally inconsistent, not only with the articles of union, but with the welfare of the colonies, that they should be at so much expense and trouble, to meet and delib-erate on the general interests of the confederates, if their deter-minations were to be annulled by one court and another.

The general court, on their part, insisted, that the determina-tions of the commissioners, could not bind them to a war which




they could not see to be just; and that it was inconsistent with the liberties of the colonies, that their decisions should compel them to action.

The commissioners replied, that no power could bind men to do that which was absolutely unlawful; but that their authority was as absolute, with respect to war and peace, as any authority could be; and that it was their province only to judge of the justice of the cause. They maintained, that it could be no infringement of the rights of the colonies, to be bound by the acts of their own agents, vested with plenary powers for those very acts. They represented the religious and solemn manner in which the confederation was made; that, by its express words, it was a perpetual league for them and their posterity, in which their eight commissioners, or any six of them, should have full power to determine all affairs of war and peace, leagues, aids, &c: That every article had been examined, not only by a committee of the four general courts, but by the whole court of Massachusetts, at the time when it was com-pleted: That many prayers were addressed to heaven for its ac-complishment, while it was under consideration; and that the car-rying of it into execution, had been an occasion of abundant thanksgiving. They said, that after practising upon it for ten years, the colonies had experienced the most salutary effects, to the great and general advantage of all the confederates. In these views, they insisted, that the violation of it would be matter of great sin in the presence of god, and of scandal before men. They referred it to the serious consideration of the general court, whether they would not, in his sight who knew all hearts, be guilty of this sin and scandal?

The general court earnestly requested, that they would drop the dispute, and enter upon business. Their commissioners also pressed the same. But, with a spirit of magnanimity and firmness, becoming their character, they utterly refused; determining, to a man, after drawing a remonstrance against the Massachusetts, to return to their respective colonies, and leave the event with the supreme ruler.

No sooner had the general court intelligence of what was trans-acting, than they dispatched a writing to the commissioners, ap-parently retracting all which they had before advanced in oppo-sition to them. It was, however, expressed artfully in doubtful language. Upon the reception of this, they proceeded to business.

Ninigrate, ever since the Pequot war, had been the common pest of the colonies. He had violated all his contracts with them; had fallen on the Long-Island Indians, who were in alliance with the English, and slain many of them; and carried others, men, women, and children, into captivity. By his hostilities, he gave alarm and trouble to the English plantations, on the island, in the neighbourhood of the Indians. When messengers had been sent




to him, demanding that he would return the captives, and desist from war, he absolutely refused; and would give no account of his conduct. He had now spent the winter with the Dutch gov-ernor, in concerting measures against the English colonies; and had been beyond Hudson's river, spiriting up the Indians there, as well as in other quarters, to a general rising against them. The commissioners therefore declared war against him, and ap-pointed the number of men and officers for the service. They also again resolved upon war against the Dutch. All the com-missioners joined in these resolutions, except Mr. Bradstreet. But they were to no purpose. The general court refused to bear any part in the war against either.

The commissioners protested against the members of the court of Massachusetts, as violators of the confederation. They pressed it as an indispensable duty, to avenge the blood of innocents, who had depended on them for safety, and had suffered on the account of their faithfulness to the colonies; to recover their wives and children from captivity; to protect their friends from the insults of barbarous and bloody men; and to vindicate the honor of them-selves, and of the nation.1

The Massachusetts nevertheless persisted in their opposition to the commissioners, and would bear no part in the war. Their de-sertion of their confederates was matter of great injury and dis-tress to them; especially to Connecticut and New-Haven. They were not only obliged to put up with all former insults and dam-ages from the Dutch; but after they had been at great expense already, in fortifying and guarding against the Dutch and Ind-ians, and had been worn down with anxiety and watching, from the very opening of the spring, they were still left to their fears, and obliged to combine together for mutual defence, in the best manner of which they were capable.

Few instances occur in history, of so flagrant and obstinate a violation of a covenant, so solemnly made, as this of the general court of Massachusetts; especially, of a covenant made between Christians of the same nation, and all professed brethren of the same faith. What interest the Massachusetts made by thus favor-ing the Dutch, is not known; but surely it is painful to relate the indelible stain, which the legislature of so ancient and respectable a colony have left, by this conduct, upon their honor, as men, and upon their morals, as Christians.

The general courts of Connecticut and New-Haven were con-voked soon after the return of the commissioners. That at New-Haven convened on the I2th of October, and the court at Con-necticut, on the 25th of November. Both considered the court of Massachusetts as having wilfully violated the articles of union. The general court at New-Haven expressly resolved, "that the

1Records of the united colonies, in which this controversy is recorded at large-




Massachusetts had broken their covenant with them, in acting directly contrary to the articles of confederation."

Both colonies therefore determined to seek redress from the commonwealth of England. Captain Astwood was appointed agent to the lord protector and parliament, to represent their state, and to solicit ships and men for the reduction of the Dutch. Connecticut and New-Haven conferred together, by their com-mittees, and letters were sent, in the name of both the general courts, containing a complete statement of their circumstances. It was agreed, that the address to lord Cromwell should be con-cluded in the words following:

"That unless the Dutch be either removed, or so far, at least, subjected, that the colonies may be free from injurious affronts, and secured against the dangers and mischievous effects, which daily grow upon them, by their plotting with the Indians, and furnishing them with arms against the English; and that the league and confederation between the four united English colo-nies, be confirmed and settled according to the true sense, and, till this year, the continued interpretation of the articles, the peace and comfort of these smaller, western colonies, will be much haz-arded, and more and more impaired. But as they conceive it their duty, thus fully to represent their afflicted condition to your excel-lency, so they humbly leave themselves, with the remedies, to your consideration and wisdom."

As governor Hopkins was now in England, he was desired to give all assistance in his power, to the agent whom they had agreed to send. Connecticut dispatched letters to the parliament, to general Monk, and Mr. Hopkins.

As Stamford was a frontier town, a guard of men was dis-patched for its defence. Connecticut and New-Haven provided a frigate of ten or twelve guns, with forty men, to defend the coast against the Dutch, and to prevent Ninigrate and his Indians from crossing the sound, in prosecution of his hostile designs against the Indians in alliance with the colonies.1

The towns bordering upon the Dutch, on Long-Island, were in great distress and alarm. Captain Underhill sent to his friends at Rhode-Island, lor assistance; and, with such Englishmen as he could obtain, made the best defence in his power. However, Hampstead and some other towns were continually harassed, and suffered much damage and insult from the Dutch.

Indeed, this was a year of uncommon alarm, expense, and dis-tress to Connecticut and New-Haven. Early in the spring they were filled with the most terrible apprehensions of a sudden and general massacre. A great proportion of time was employed, by the magistrates and principal men, in meetings of the general courts, of the commissioners, of committees and officers to con-

1Records of Connecticut and New-Haven.




sult and provide for the general safety; in raising men and making preparations for war. The common people, at the same time, were called off from their labors and worn down with watching and guarding by night and day.

The Dutch, at New-Netherlands, waited only for a reinforce-ment from Holland to attack and reduce the English colonies. Of this, both they and the English were in constant expectation. It was reported, and feared, that when the signals should be given from the Dutch ships, the Indians would rise, fire the English buildings, and begin their work of destruction.

Providence, however, combined a number of circumstances for the preservation of the exposed colonies. The defeat of the Dutch fleet by the English, and the spoil which they made upon their trade, prevented the arrival of the expected reinforcements; the Indians could not be united; many of the sachems said, the Eng-lish had done them no injury, and they would not fight them. The early intelligence, received by the colonies, of the plans which they and the Dutch were concerting, and the constant watch and guard which the plantations maintained disconcerted them. By these means, a general attack upon them was prevented.

Another mischief however arose. Some of the towns, and many of the people, in the colonies of Connecticut and New-Haven, were so dissatisfied that the war was not prosecuted against the Dutch, according to the resolution of the commissioners, that they were with great difficulty restrained from open mutiny and rebellion. They imagined, that Connecticut and New-Haven were sufficient to subdue the Dutch, and ought to have undertaken an expedition against them.

Stamford and Fairfield, in particular, became very disorderly. The former complained, that the government was bad, and the charges unreasonable; and that they were neglected, and de-prived of their just privileges. They pretended to set up for the government of England, for their liberties, as they called them, in opposition to the government of the colony. They sent to the general court at New-Haven desiring them to prosecute the war against the Dutch; resolved to raise a number of men among themselves; and prayed for permission to enlist volunteers in the several towns.

The town of Fairfield held a meeting on the subject, and deter-mined to prosecute the war. They appointed Mr. Ludlow com-mander in chief. He was in the centre of the evidence against the Dutch; had been one of the commissioners, at the several meet-ings relative to the affair; had been zealous and active for the war; and conceiving himself and the town in imminent danger, unless the Dutch could be removed from the neighbourhood, too hastily accepted of the appointment. Robert Basset and John Chap-man were the heads of this party. They attempted to foment in-




surrections, and, without any instructions from authority, to raise volunteers, for an expedition against the Netherlands.

The general court, at New-Haven, judged that the season was too far advanced to undertake the enterprise. They nevertheless determined to consult Connecticut, and to proceed or not, as the council there should judge most expedient.

It was now the latter part of November, and it was the general opinion, that ships and men could not be seasonably provided.

Deputy governor Goodyear and Mr. Newman were dispatched to Stamford to compose the minds of the people. They called a meeting of the town, and labored to quiet them; but could make no considerable impressions upon them, until they read an order of the committee of parliament, requiring, that the plantations should be in subjection to the authority of their respective juris-dictions. This appeared to have some good effect. But as the in-habitants had been at great expense, not only in watching and guarding the town, but in erecting fortifications about the meet-ing house, they insisted, that the colony should bear a part of the expense, and provide a guard during the winter.

The public burthens this year were great. The expenses of the colony of New-Haven were about 400 pounds. The court made some abatements in favour of Stamford; but Basset and Chapman were punished for attempting to make an insurrection in the colo-ny, and others were bound, in large bonds, to their good be-haviour.1