AFTER the reduction of the Dutch settlements, colonel Nichols fixed his residence at New-York, to manage the affairs of government. Sir Robert Carr, Cartwrith, and Maverick, the other commissioners, soon went to Boston, and proceeded upon the business of their commission. After they had communicated their instructions to the general court, and made a number of requisi-tions inconsistent with the chartered rights of the colony, and some inconsistent with the rights of conscience and of the churches, they went from Boston to Narraganset. They held courts at Warwick and Southerton, and spent a considerable time in hearing the complaints of the Indians, in determining the titles of the English to their lands; and, without any color of authority from their commission, undertook to make a new province. They determined, that the deed of the Rhode-Islanders, from the Indians, was of no force. Captain Atherton, and others, had made a large purchase of the Indians, in Narraganset, east of Pawcatuck river, and the planters had put themselves under the government of Connecticut. The commissioners determined, that captain Atherton's deed was not legal, because there was no mention of the sum which he had paid. However, as it appeared that con-siderable had been paid the Indians for the lands, the commission-ers ordered the natives to pay to the purchasers a certain quantity of wampum, and ordered the planters to move off from the lands. As the Narraganset sachems had, in 1644, made their subjection to the king of England, acknowledging themselves to be his sub-




jects, they declared that the country belonged to his majesty, and that, in future, it should be called the king's province. They determined, that no person, of what colony soever, should pre-sume to exercise any authority within that tract, except those who should be authorised by them, until his majesty's pleasure should be known. They further decreed, that the king's province should extend westward to the middle of Pawcatuck river, and north-ward as far as the south line of Massachusetts. In the plenitude of their power, they also ordered, that the Pequots, to whom the General Assembly of Connecticut had, agreeable to a resolution of the commissioners of the united colonies, assigned a tract of land on the east of Pawcatuck, should be removed and settled in some other place, which the assembly should appoint, west of that river.1 It appears that they came to these important decisions, without giving Connecticut notice, or ever hearing what reasons the colony had to offer against them.

When they had finished their business in Narraganset, they re-turned to Boston. There they proceeded in the most arbitrary manner, giving the general court of Massachusetts and the whole colony unspeakable trouble. They undertook the protection of criminals against the commonwealth; and summoned the mem-bers of the general court before them to answer for judgments which they had given in their legislative and executive capacity. They received complaints against the colony, from Indians and other disaffected persons; and undertook to judge in cases which had been previously prosecuted to a final adjudication, according to law. Indeed, they did not content themselves with determin-ing civil matters only, they made requisitions respecting the church. They demanded, that all persons of orthodox opinions, competent knowledge, and civil lives, should be admitted to the Lord's supper, and their children to baptism.2

While the general court of Massachusetts expressed entire loy-alty to his majesty, they firmly maintained their charter rights, and remonstrated against the proceedings of the commissioners. At this firm conduct, they were highly disgusted, and made a very Un-favorable representation of the colony to his majesty, much to its disadvantage.

They came to no determination with respect to the claim of duke Hamilton, but returned the answer of Connecticut to the king, and made a very friendly report to him of the manner in which they had been received by the colony of Connecticut, and of the loyalty and attachment of the people to his royal person. In consequence of it, the king sent a most gracious letter to the colony. In this, he says, "We cannot but let you know how much we are pleased. Although your carriage doth of itself most justly

1Records of Connecticut, in their book of patents, letters, determinations, &c.

2Hutchinson's Hist. vol. i. p. 230-256.




deserve our praise and approbation, yet it seems to be set off with more lustre, by the contrary deportment of the colony of Massa-chusetts. We shall never be unmindful of this your loyal and dutiful behaviour." *

At the general election, May 11th, 1666, the former governor and council were re-elected.

The general assembly, at this session, proceeded to ascertain the limits of the counties and the business of the county courts. It was enacted, that the towns upon the river, from the north bounds of Windsor, with Farmington, to thirty miles island, should be one county, to be called the county of Hartford. That from Paw-catuck river, with Norwich, to the west bounds of Hammonasset, should be one county, by the name of the county of New-London; and that from the east bounds of Stratford to the western boun-dary of the colony, be another county, to be known by the name of the county of Fairfield. The county courts were to consist of one magistrate, at least, and of two justices of the quorum. If three magistrates were present they were authorised to proceed to busi-ness, though the justices were absent. The probation of wills and all testamentary matters, which before had been transacted in the court of magistrates, were referred to the county courts, with the liberty of appeal to the superior court.

In May, 1667, no alteration was made with respect to the gov-ernor and council, but governor Winthrop, at first, declined his office. The assembly appointed a committee, and desired to know the reasons of his desire to leave the chair. They reported the reasons to the assembly. It seems that the expense of his office was such, in his opinion, that he could not, consistently with his duty to himself and family, continue in it, without some further allowance from the colony. The assembly continued their earnest desire, that he would accept the trust to which he had been chosen. To enable him to support his office with dignity, the legislature freed all his estate, in the colony, from taxation, and granted him a hundred and ten pounds out of the public treasury. Upon these encouragements, in connection with the desire and unanimity of the freemen, he consented to accept his appointment.

About the year 1664, settlements commenced on the east side of Connecticut river, upon the tract, on that side, which originally belonged to the town of Saybrook. In May, 1667, the inhabitants were so increased, that the assembly made them a distinct town by the name of Lyme. The Indian name for the eastern part of the town was Nehantick.

At the election, May I4th, 1668, the freemen elected Mr. Alex-ander Bryan, Mr. James Bishop, Mr. Anthony Hawkins, and Mr. Thomas Wells, magistrates, instead of Mr. Matthew Alien, Mr. Sherman, Mr. Crane, and Mr. Clark.





In this and the next year, several new settlements were made and new towns incorporated.

On the 20th of May, 1662, a purchase was made of the Indians, of a township of land termed thirty miles island. The Indian name of the tract, east of the river, since calledEast-Haddam, was Mach-emoodus. The original proprietors were twenty eight. They began their settlements on the west side of the river, and the in-habitants were so increased that, in the session in October, 1668, the plantation was vested with town privileges, and named Had-dam. The extent of the town was six miles east and west of the river.

About the same time a settlement was made at Massacoe. In April, 1644, the general court of Connecticut gave liberty to gov-ernors Hopkins and Haynes to dispose of the lands upon Tunxis river, called Massacoe, to such of the inhabitants of Windsor as they should judge expedient. In 1647, the court resolved, that Massacoe should be purchased by the country, and a committee was appointed to dispose of it to such of the inhabitants of Wind-sor as they should choose. A purchase of the lands was made of the Indians, and settlements began under the town of Windsor. The plantation, at first, was considered as an appendix, or part of that town. In the session in May, 1670, it was enacted, that Mas-sacoe should be a distinct town, by the name of Symsbury. The limits granted were ten miles northward from the north bounds of Farmington, and ten miles westward from the western bounds of Windsor.

At the same time, New-Haven Village was incorporated and made a town, by the name of Wallingford. The purchase of the town was made by governor Eaton, Mr. Davenport, and other planters of New-Haven, in December, 1638. The settlement was projected in 1669. A committee was appointed, by the town of New-Haven, vested with powers to manage the whole affair of the settlement. This committee held the lands in trust, and acted in all the affairs of the town, as trustees, until May, 1672, when they resigned their trust to the town.

At the general election, May I2th, 1670, William Leet, Esq. was chosen deputy governor, and major Mason, who for many years had been deputy governor, was chosen the first magistrate.

Until this time, the great body of the freemen had annually con-vened at Hartford, upon the day of election, to make choice of the governor, magistrates, and civil officers, appointed by charter, to be elected on that day. But the freemen were now become so numerous, and it had been found to be so expensive and incon-venient, that it was judged necessary to alter the mode of election. The assembly resolved, "That henceforth all the freemen of this jurisdiction, without any further summons, from year to year, shall or may upon the second Thursday in May yearly, in person or in




proxy, at Hartford, attend and consummate the election of gov-ernor, deputy governor, and assistants, and such other public officers as his majesty hath appointed, by our charter, then yearly to be chosen." A law was then made regulating the freemen's meetings and the mode of election, for substance nearly the same with the law respecting the election at the present time.

While the colony was thus extending its settlements, and regu-lating its internal police, great troubles arose respecting the boundaries between Connecticut and Rhode-Island. From year to year Connecticut had appointed committees to settle the boun-dary line between the colonies, but all their attempts had been un-successful.

In 1668, the assembly appointed Mr. Wyllys, and Mr. Robert Thompson, of London, by petition or otherwise, to represent the affair to his majesty, and obtain a resolution respecting the boundary line. Nothing decisive, however, was effected. Mean-while, the conduct of Rhode-Island was such, that the General Assembly of Connecticut declared it to be intolerable, and con-trary to the settlement made by his majesty's commissioners. The assembly, therefore, in May, 1670, appointed Mr. Leet, the deputy-governor, John Alien, and James Richards, Esquires, captain John Winthrop, and captain Benjamin Newbury, a committee to meet at New-London, the June following, to treat with such gen-tlemen, from Rhode-Island, as should be sent, properly authorised to act in the affair; and concerning the injuries which the in-habitants of that colony had done to the people of Connecticut. They were not only vested with plenary powers to compromise these difficulties, but, in case the commissioners from Rhode-Island would not agree to some equitable mode of settlement, to reduce the people of Squamacuck and Narraganset to obedience to this colony. They were also authorised to hold courts in the Pequot and Narraganset country, and to hear and determine all cases of injury, which had been done to the inhabitants of Con-necticut, according to law. Instructions were also given them to appoint all officers, necessary for the peaceable government of that part of the colony.

The commissioners of the two colonies met at New-London, but could effect no settlement of the controversy. The commis-sioners from Rhode-Island, insisted that Pawcatuck river was their boundary, according to the express words of their charter. Those from Connecticut, insisted that their charter, which was prior to that of Rhode-Island, bounded them easterly upon Narra-ganset bay and river, and that the Pequot country, which they had conquered, extended ten miles east of Pawcatuck; that, therefore, they had a right to that part, both by charter and conquest.

As no agreement could be effected, the committee from Con-necticut, went into the Narraganset country, and read the charter




at Wickford, and the plantations east of Pawcatuck river, and, in the name of the General Assembly of Connecticut, demanded the submission and obedience of the people to its authority and laws. They also appointed officers for the good government of the peo-ple.1

Both colonies had something plausible to plead. The case, truly stated, is this. The old patent of Connecticut, to lord Say and Seal, lord Brook, and their associates, bounded the tract conveyed eastward, by Narraganset bay and river. The charter granted in April, 1662, gave the same boundaries as the old patent in 1631. Pawcatuck river was never known by the name of Narraganset river, and it made no bay; consequently the mouth of it, and the sea there, could not be called Narraganset bay. But when Mr. John Clark was in England, as agent for the colony of Rhode-Island, in 1663, there arose much difficulty between him and Mr. Winthrop, respecting the boundaries between the two colonies. They were advised, by their friends, to submit the controverted points to arbitrators, in England, to which they consented. Will-iam Breereton, Esq. major Robert Thompson, capt. Richard Deane, capt. John Brookhaven, and doctor Benjamin Worseley, were mutually chosen to hear and determine the differences be-tween them. They came to the following determination:

"first, That a river there commonly called and known by Pawcatuck river, shall be the certain bounds between those two colonies, which said river shall, for the future, be also called alias Narragance or Narraganset river."

"secondly, If any part of that purchase at Quinebaug doth lie along upon the east side of the river, that goeth down by New-London, within six miles of the said river, that then it shall wholly belong to Connecticut colony, as well as the rest which lieth on the western side of the aforesaid river."

"thirdly, That the proprietors and inhabitants of that land about Mr. Smith's trading house, claimed or purchased by major Atherton, capt. Hutchinson, lieut. Hudson, and others, or given unto them by Indians, shall have free liberty to choose to which of those colonies they will belong."

" fourthly, That propriety shall not be altered nor destroyed, but carefully maintained through the said colonies."

To this the two agents, John Winthrop and John Clark, Es-quires, interchangeably set their hands and seals, as an agreement finally terminating the controversy between them. This was signed on the 7th of March, 1663.

In consequence of this agreement, the charter of Rhode-Island, granted July 8th, 1663, bounded that colony westward by Paw-catuck river, and ordained, with particular reference to the agree-ment, which is recognized in the charter, that this river should be

1Records of Connecticut.




called alias Narragance or Narraganset river; and that the same shall be holden by the colony of Rhode-Island, "any grant, or clause in a late grant, to the governor and company of Connecticut colony in America, to the contrary thereof, in any wise notwith-standing."

The proprietors, mentioned in the agreement, made choice of the government of Connecticut, July 3d, 1663, and were taken under the jurisdiction and protection of this colony.

Connecticut insisted, that Mr. Winthrop's agency was finished before the agreement with Mr. Clark, and that he had never re-ceived any instructions from the colony authorizing him to enter into any such compact. It was also pleaded, that his Majesty could not re-grant that which he had previously granted to Connecticut. Rhode-Island insisted on the agreement between Mr. Winthrop and Mr. Clark, and on the limits granted in the charter of that col-ony. Hence arose a controversy between the colonies, which con-tinued more than sixty years.

Governor Winthrop, at the session in October, again proposed a resignation of his office, and desired the consent and approba-tion of the general assembly. The assembly were utterly opposed to it, and could, by no means, be persuaded to give their consent. Through the influence of the houses, he was persuaded to keep the chair, and means were adopted to give him satisfaction. The as-sembly, at the next session, granted a hundred and fifty pounds salary. Grants were several times made him of valuable tracts of land. These considerations, with the great unanimity and esteem of the freemen, prevailed with him to continue in office until his death.

In May, 1671, the former officers were all re-chosen.

During the term of eighteen or twenty years, attempts had been making to settle a township at Paugasset. About the year 1663, it appears that governor Goodyear, and several other gentlemen in New-Haven, made a purchase of a considerable tract there. About the year 1654, it seems that some few settlements were made. The next year, at the session in October, the planters pre-sented a petition to the general court, at New-Haven, to be made a distinct town, and to order their affairs independently of the other towns. The court granted their petition; gave them liberty to purchase a tract sufficient for a township; released them from taxes; and appointed Richard Baldwin moderator to call meet-ings, and conduct the affairs of the plantation. At the next court, however, Mr. Prudden, and the people of Milford, made such strong remonstrances against the act, that the court determined the people at Paugasset should continue, as they had been, under the town of Milford, unless the parties should come to an agree-ment, respecting the incorporation of the inhabitants there into a distinct township. In 1657 and 1659 a purchase was made of the




lands of the chief sagamores, Wetanamow and Raskenute. The purchase appears to have been confirmed afterwards by Oke-nuck, the chief sachem. Some of the first planters were Ed. Wooster, Ed. Riggs, Richard Baldwin, Samuel Hopkins, Thomas Langdon, and Francis French. They preferred a petition to the general assembly of Connecticut, praying for town privileges, in 1671. The assembly determined that their south bounds should be the north line of Milford, and that they should extend their limits twelve miles northward, to a place called the notch. For their encouragement, it was promised, that, as soon as there should be thirty families in the plantation, they should be vested with town privileges. About four years after, Oct. 1675, they re-newed their application. They represented that they then con-sisted of twelve families, and that eleven more were about moving directly into the plantation: that they had procured a minister, built him a house, and made provision for the enjoyment of divine ordinances. Upon these representations, the assembly made them a town, by the name of Derby.

Major John Mason, who, for many years, had been deputy gov-ernor, and rendered many important services to the colony, being far advanced in years, and visited with many infirmities, about this time, excused himself from the service of the commonwealth. At the next election, May 9th, 1672, Mr. John Nash was chosen mag-istrate, to fill the vacancy made by his resignation.1

Until this time, the colony had kept their laws in manuscript, and had promulgated them, by sending copies to be publicly read in the respective towns. This year, the first code of Connecticut was published. It was printed at Cambridge, in Massachusetts. It consisted of between seventy and eighty pages, in small folio, printed, and of nearly the same number of blank pages. It is a great curiosity. The preface is written in the most religious man-ner, sufficiently solemn for an introduction to a body of sermons. It is thus introduced, "To our beloved brethren and neighbours, the inhabitants of Connecticut, the general court of that colony wish grace and peace in our Lord Jesus." It recognizes the de-sign of the first planters, "who," as the court express it, "settled these foundations," for the maintaining of "religion according to the gospel of our Lord Jesus;" which it declares "ought to be the

1John Mason, Esq. was bred to arms in the Dutch Netherlands, under Sir Thomas Fairfax. He came into New-England with Mr. Warham and his company, in 1630.* Five years after, he removed to Connecticut, and was one of the first planters of Windsor. In 1642 he was chosen magistrate; in which office he con-tinued until May, 1660, when he was chosen deputy governor. In this office he continued ten years. At the desire of the inhabitants of Saybrook, and for the de-fence of the colony, he removed to that town in 1647. From thence he removed to Norwich, in 1659, where he died, in 1672 or '73, in the 73d year of his age. He was tall and portly, full of martial fire, and shunned no hardships or dangers in the defence and service of the colony. He was a gentleman not only of distinguished heroism, but of strict morals and great prudence.

*Savage thinks this may be an error, as he does not find the name before December, 1632.-J. T.




endeavour of all those, that shall succeed, to uphold and encourage unto all generations." The assembly enacted, that every family should have a law book. In the blank pages, all the laws enacted after 1672 were inserted, in writing, until the year 1699, when the book was filled up.

At the election, May 8th, 1673, Robert Treat, Esq. was chosen into the magistracy.

At this court, Richard Smith was appointed a commissioner at Narraganset, and vested with the powers of magistracy through that country. A court of commissioners was instituted there, and Mr. Smith was appointed the chief judge. This court had cog-nizance of all cases not exceeding twenty pounds, provided that all such as exceeded forty shillings should be tried by a jury. A com-missioner1 was appointed at Pettyquamscot.

As war had been declared in England, the last year, against the Dutch, the colony was put into a state of defence. It was ordered that a troop of horse should be raised in each county. This year, the colony was more thoroughly alarmed, and experienced the benefit of being in a good state of preparation. On the 30th of July, a small Dutch fleet, under the command of commodores Cor-nelius Everste and Jacob Benkes, arrived at New-York. One John Manning, who commanded the fort and island there, treach-erously delivered them up to the enemy, without firing a gun, or attempting the least resistance. The inhabitants of New-York and New-Jersey generally submitted to the Dutch without opposi-tion. About the same time, the Dutch captured a vessel of Mr. Sillick's of this colony, near one of the harbours of the western towns.

Upon this emergency, a special assembly was convoked, at Hartford, on the 7th of August. Orders were immediately issued, that the respective troops, in the colony, with five hundred dra-goons, should forthwith be ready for service; and that all the trainbands should be complete in their arms. The same day, Mr. James Richards and Mr. William Roswell, were dispatched, with a letter from the assembly, to the Dutch commodores, to know their further intentions. The assembly remonstrated against their con-duct in capturing Mr. Sillick's vessel, and in demanding the sub-mission of his majesty's English subjects, upon Long-Island, and that they should take the oath of allegiance to the States General. They acquainted the Dutch commanders, that the united colonies were, by his majesty, constituted the defenders of the lives and lib-erties of his subjects, in these parts of his dominions, and assured them that they would be faithful to their trust.

The assembly appointed the governor, deputy governor, and a number of the council, a committee of war, to act as emergencies should require.

1Commissioner was a name for a justice of the peace.




The Dutch commanders returned a soldier-like answer to the messengers and letter from Connecticut, purporting, that they had a commission to do all damages, in their power, to their en-emies, by land and sea: that they had summoned the towns upon Long-Island to submit to them; and that, unless they should comply, they would reduce them to their subjection by force of arms: that as the vessel they had taken was their enemy's it was strange to them that any questions were proposed concerning it: and that while they doubted not of the faithfulness of the united colonies in defending their majesty's subjects, they should not be less zealous and faithful in the service of the States General.1

On the nth of August, the committee of war met at Hartford. They appear to have apprehended an immediate invasion. They gave orders, that the whole militia of the colony should be ready to march at an hour's warning, to any place which might be at-tacked. They made such arrangement of the dragoons, and sent such assistance to their friends upon Long-Island, as prevented an invasion of any part of the colony, and the plunder and destruction of the English upon the island.

On the meeting of the assembly, in October, letters were sent to Massachusetts and Plymouth, to solicit their united assistance against the Dutch, and to know their opinion relative to pro-claiming war, and engaging in offensive operations against them. Mr. John Banks was sent express to the Dutch commanders, with a spirited remonstrance against the conduct of the Dutch, who had threatened the towns on the Island with destruction, by fire and sword, unless they would submit and swear allegiance to the States General. They had sent ships and an armed force towards the east end of the island, to subdue the people; but had been pre-vented. The assembly assured them, that they knew how to avenge themselves upon their plantations, and not only so, but upon their head quarters, if the colonies should rise, and warned them of the consequences of injuring the English towns upon the island.

Connecticut, upon consulting their confederates, found it to be the general opinion to act offensively against the Dutch. A spe-cial assembly was called on the 26th of November, and war was im-mediately proclaimed against them. It was determined, that an expedition should be undertaken against New-York. This, it seems, was in conjunction with the other confederates. Major Treat was appointed to command the troops from Connecticut.

The Dutch not only threatened the English towns on the island with destruction, but, it seems, made several descents upon it, with a view to attack them: however, by the assistance of the troops from Connecticut, they were, in all instances, repulsed, and driven from the island.2 Before suitable preparations could be made for

1Letter on file

. 2Records of Connecticut, and letters on file.




an attack upon the Dutch, at their head quarters, the season was too far advanced for military operations. Early in the spring, the news of a general pacification between England and Holland, pre-vented all further proceedings of this kind. The whole militia of the colony, at this time, amounted to no more than 2,070 men. One quarter, it seems, were mounted as dragoons, and employed for the defence of the colony, and of his majesty's English subjects upon Long-Island.

The only alteration made by the election in 1674, was the choice of Thomas Topping, Esq. instead of Mr. Hawkins.

As the inhabitants of Long-Island had been protected and gov-erned, the latter part of the last year, by Connecticut, they made application, at this assembly, for the further enjoyment of its pro-tection and government. The legislature accepted them, and ap-pointed officers in the several English towns, as they had done at their session the preceding October.

Upon the application of the town of Wickford, and other plan-tations in Narraganset, the legislature took them under the gov-ernment of this colony. A court was instituted at Stonington, for the government of the people in Narraganset, that they might not live in dissolute practices, to the dishonour of God, of the king and nation, and to the scandalizing of the very heathens.

The legislature, in 1672, granted liberty to Mr. Sherman, Mr. William Curtiss, and their associates, to make a plantation at Pomperaug. Such a number of settlements had been made there, in about two years, that the assembly, in May, 1674, enacted that it should be a town, by the name of Woodbury.

Scarcely had the colonies recovered from one calamity and dan-ger, before new and more terrible scenes of alarm and destruction presented themselves. Not only Connecticut, but all the New-England colonies, were now verging upon a most distressful and important period, in which their very existence was endangered.

Upon the pacification with the Dutch, the duke of York, to re-move all doubt and controversy respecting his property in Amer-ica, took out a new patent from the king, June 29th, 1674, granting the same territory described in the former patent. Two days after, he commissioned major, afterwards Sir Edmund Andross, to be governor of New-York, and all his territories in these parts. The major was a mere tool of the duke, and a tyrant over the people. Mr. Smith, in his history of New-York, observes, "That he knew no law but the will of his master; and that Kirk and Jefferies were not fitter instruments than he to execute the despotic projects of James the second."

Notwithstanding the priority of the patent of Connecticut to the duke of York's, and the determination of his majesty's commis-sioners about ten years before, in 1675, he set up the duke's claim to all that part of the colony which lies to the westward of Con-necticut river, and he threatened the colony with an invasion.




At the same time, Philip, sachem of the Wampanoags, com-menced hostilities against the colonies, and involved them in a most bloody and destructive war. It had been supposed, that the Indians, for several years, had been concerting a general con-spiracy against the plantations in New-England, with a view of extirpating the English from the country. They viewed them-selves as a free and independent people. Their sachems were men of high and independent spirits. They considered themselves as sovereign princes, and claimed to be the original proprietors and lords of the land. They viewed the English as intruders and usurpers. While, therefore, they saw them, in almost every quar-ter, extending their settlements over the dominions of their an-cestors, they could not but kindle into resentment, and adopt counsels to prevent the loss of their liberties and country. Though they had entered into treaties with the colonies, and acknowledged themselves to be subjects of the king of England, yet it is by no means probable, that, by these treaties and acknowledgments, they designed to give up their independence, or any of their natural rights. They viewed themselves rather as allies, than as subjects of England. To be called to an account for their conduct, and to be thwarted in their designs, by the colonies, or to be holden as amenable to them for their actions, was a treatment which their haughty spirits could not brook. These were general reasons for which they might wish for the destruction of their English neigh-bors. But beside these, there were others, which had more imme-diate influence upon Philip. John Sausaman, a Christian Indian, who had once been a subject of Philip, made a discovery of his plots against the English. Philip, fired with resentment, procured the murder of Sausaman. The murderers were discovered, tried by the English laws, and executed. Philip, enraged at the execu-tion of his subjects, conscious of his own guilt, and probably ap-prehensive for his personal safety, armed his own warriors, the Wampanoags, and such strange Indians as he could engage to embark in his measures, and, with the most hostile appearances, began to march up and down the country.

As the colonies, for some time, had been apprised, that the Ind-ians were forming designs against them, they, by treaties, and such other means as appeared to be wise and politic, had been at-tempting to prevent the storm. Notwithstanding, it now burst upon them with uncommon fury. Its destruction was wide and dreadful.

Philip's numbers daily increasing, gave him fresh courage, and increased his insolence. On the 2Oth of June, 1675, his Indians comenced hostilities upon Swanzey, one of the frontier towns of New-Plymouth, bordering on the territories of Philip, whose chief seat was at Mount Hope.1 They insulted the English, rifled their

1Mount Hope is an eminence in the eastern part of the town of Bristol, in Rhode-Island.




houses, and killed their cattle. Four days after, they killed nine, and wounded seven of the inhabitants. The troops of that colony marched immediately to the defence of the town. In four days, they were reinforced with several companies from Boston. On the 29th, the troops were drawn forth against the enemy. They in-stantly fled before them, for a mile or two, and took refuge in a swamp. The next day, major Savage arrived with more troops and a general command from Boston. He marched the army into the Indian towns, to surprise their head quarters, and give them battle upon their own grounds. The troops found the enemy's towns, and even the seat of Philip, deserted with marks of the ut-most precipitation. As the Indians fled, they marked their route with the burning of buildings, the scalps, hands, and heads of the English, which they had taken off and fixed upon poles by the way side. As they could not come up with the enemy, they returned to their head quarters, at Swanzey.

In consequence of the war with Philip, the commissioners of the united colonies met at Boston, and governor Winthrop, who was one of the commissioners for Connecticut, was gone there, to at-tend the business of the country. Deputy-governor Leet and the council, upon receiving intelligence of the war, dispatched troops to Stonington, to defend that part of the colony against the enemy.

At the same time, it was discovered that major Andross was about to make a hostile invasion of the colony, and to demand a surrender of its most important posts to the government of the duke of York. Detachments from the militia were, therefore, sent, with the utmost expedition, to New-London and Saybrook. Cap-tain Thomas Bull, of Hartford, commanded the party sent to Say-brook.

About the 8th or 9th of July, the people of that town were sur-prised by the appearance of major Andross, with an armed force, in the sound, making directly for the fort. They had received no intelligence of the affair, nor instructions from the governor and council, how to conduct themselves upon such an emergency. They were, at first, undetermined whether to make any resistance or not; but they did not hesitate long. As the danger approached, and their surprise abated, the martial spirit began to enkindle; the fort was manned, and the militia of the town drawn out for its defence.1 At this critical juncture, captain Bull with his company arrived, and the most vigorous exertions were made, for the de-fence of the fort and town. On the nth, major Andross, with sev-eral armed sloops, drew up before the fort, hoisted the king's flag on board, and demanded a surrender of the fortress and town. Captain Bull raised his majesty's colors in the fort, and arranged his men in the best manner. They appeared with a good coun-

1Letter from the Rev. Mr. Buckingham to the governor and council, on the sub-ject.




tenance, determined and eager for action. The major did not like to fire on the king's colors, and perceiving that, should he attempt to reduce the town by force, it would be a bloody affair, judged it expedient not to fire upon the troops. He, nevertheless, lay all that day, and part of the next, off against the fort.

The critical state of the colony had occasioned the meeting of the assembly, at Hartford, on the 9th of July. They immediately proceeded to draw up a declaration, or protest, against the major, in the words following.

"Whereas, we are informed that major Edmund Andross is come with some considerable force into this his majesty's colony of Connecticut, which might be construed to be in pursuance of his letter to us, to invade or intrude upon the same, or upon some part of our charter limits and privileges, and so to molest his majesty's good subjects, in this juncture, when the heathen rage against the English, and by fire and sword have destroyed many of his majesty's good subjects, our neighbors of Plymouth colony, and still are carrying their heads about the country, as trophies of their good success; and yet are proceeding further in their cruel designs against the English; in faithfulness to our royal sovereign, and in obedience to his majesty's commands, in his gracious charter to this colony, we can do no less than publicly declare and protest against the said major Edmund Andross, and these his illegal proceedings, as also against all his aiders and abettors, as disturbers of the peace of his majesty's good subjects in this colony; and that his and their actions, in this juncture, tend to the encouragement of the heathen to proceed in the effu-sion of Christian blood, which may be very like to be the conse-quence of his actions, and which we shall unavoidably lay at his door, and use our utmost power and endeavour, (expecting therein the assistance of Almighty God) to defend the good people of this colony from the said major Andross his attempts; not doubting but his majesty will countenance and approve our just proceedings therein, they being according to the commission we have received from his majesty, in his gracious charter to this colony; by which power and trust, so committed unto us, we do again forewarn and advise the said major Andross, and all his aiders and abettors, to forbear and desist such forenamed unjust and unwarrantable practices, as they expect to answer the same, with all such just damages and costs as may arise or accrue there-by. And we do further, in his majesty's name, require and com-mand all the good people, his majesty's subjects, of this colony of Connecticut, under our present government, utterly to refuse to attend, countenance or obey the said major Edward Andross, or any under him, in any order, instruction, or command, diverse from or contrary to the laws and orders of this colony here es-




tablished, by virtue of his majesty's gracious charter, granted to this colony of Connecticut, as they will answer the contrary at their peril."

"god save the King."

This was voted unanimously. It was sent by an express to Saybrook, with instructions to captain Bull to propose to major Andross the reference of the affair in dispute to commissioners, to meet in any place in this colony which he should choose. Early in the morning of the I2th of July, the major desired that he might have admittance on shore, and an interview with the ministers and chief officers. He probably imagined, that if he could read the duke's patent and his own commission, it would make an impres-sion upon the people, and that he should gain by art that which he could not by force of arms. He was allowed to come on shore with his suit. Meanwhile, the express arrived with the protest, and instructions from the assembly. Captain Bull and his officers, with the officers and gentlemen of the town, met the major, at his landing, and acquainted him that they had, at that instant, received instructions to tender him a treaty, and to refer the whole matter in controversy to commissioners, capable of determining it according to law and justice. The major rejected the proposal, and forthwith commanded, in his majesty's name, that the duke's patent, and the commission which he had received from his royal highness, should be read. Captain Bull commanded him, in his majesty's name, to forbear reading.1 When his clerk attempted to persist in reading, the captain repeated his command, with such energy of voice and manner, as convinced the major it was not safe to proceed. The captain then acquainted him that he had an address from the assembly to him, and read the protest. Gov-ernor Andross, pleased with his bold and soldier-like appearance, said, "What is your name?" He replied, "My name is Bull, Sir." "Bull!" said the governor, "It is a pity that your horns are not tipped with silver." Finding he could make no impres-sion upon the officers or people, and that the legislature of the colony were determined to defend themselves, in the possession of their chartered rights, he gave up his design of seizing the fort. He represented the protest as a slender affair, and an ill requital of his kindness. He said, however, he should do no more. The militia of the town guarded him to his boat, and going on board he soon sailed for Long-Island.

The general assembly considered this as a great abuse and in-sult of the colony, and, upon receiving an account of the major's conduct, came to the following resolution.

"This court orders, that this declaration shall forthwith be sent forth to the several plantations, sealed with the seal of the colony, and signed by the secretary, to be there published."

1Captain Bull's letter to the assembly.




"Forasmuch as the good people of his majesty's colony of Con-necticut have met with much trouble and molestation from major Edmund Andross, his challenge and attempts to surprise the main part of said colony, which they have so rightfully obtained, so long possessed, and defended against all invasions of Dutch and Ind-ians, to the great grievance of his majesty's good subjects in their settlements, and to despoil the happy government, by charter from his majesty granted to themselves, and under which they have enjoyed many halcyon days of peace and tranquillity, to their great satisfaction, and to the content of his majesty, graciously ex-pressed by letters to them, so greatly engaging their loyalty and thankfulness, as makes it intolerable to be put off from so long and just settlement under his majesty's government by charter. Hereupon, for the prevention of misrepresentations into England, by the said major Andross against us, for our refusal, and with-standing his attempts, made with hostile appearances to surprise us at Saybrook, while we were approaching towards a savage Ind-ian enemy that had committed much outrage and murder, by fire and sword, upon our neighbours about Plymouth; this court have desired the honorable John Winthrop and James Richards, Es-quires, or either of them, (intending a voyage to England upon their own occasions,) to take with them the narrative and copies of all the transactions betwixt us, and to give a right understand-ing for clearing our innocence, and better securing our enjoy-ments as occasion shall offer."

As the Narraganset Indians were considered as abettors of Philip, harbouring the old men and women whom he had sent off to them, and as the colonies feared that they would proceed to open hostilities, unless it could be prevented by some vigorous measures, it was determined to march the army, which had been rendezvoused at Swanzey, immediately into their country, and to treat with them sword in hand. Captain Hutchinson was dis-patched commissioner, from the general court of Massachusetts, to conduct the treaty.1 On the 15th of July, a treaty was con-cluded between the united colonies and the six Narraganset sa-chems, and the sunk squaw or old queen of Narraganset. Per-petual peace was stipulated between the parties. It was also agreed, that all stolen goods should be returned: that neither Philip nor any of his subjects should be harboured by the Nar-ragansets; but if any of them should enter upon their lands they should kill and destroy them, until a cessation of hostilities should be concluded between Philip and the united colonies: that the commissioners should give to any of the Narraganset Indians, who should bring in Philip alive, forty coats, and twenty for his head: that two coats should be given for every subject of Philip

1Major Wait Winthrop and Mr. Richard Smith were commissioners from Con-necticut.




delivered alive to the English, and one for his head. On the part of the Narragansets, hostages were delivered, as a security, for the faithful performance of the treaty. This, at best, was a forced business, rather calculated to irritate, than to reconcile a free and haughty people. The conditions were imposed by the army.

On the 17th of July, the troops returned to Taunton. Upon intelligence, that Philip and his warriors were in a swamp at Pocasset, the Massachusetts and Plymouth forces formed a junc-tion, and on the 18th, attacked them with firmness and resolution. The enemy had chosen an advantageous retreat. As the army entered the swamp, they retired deeper and deeper into it, until the troops were led into such an hideous thicket, that it was im-possible for them to keep their order. It was so thick and dark, as the night approached, that the men were in danger, not only from the enemy, but from one another. They fired at every bush which appeared to shake. The action was continued until night, when the English retreated. The attempt was unhappy. Six-teen brave men were killed, and Philip and his men, after they had been reduced to the greatest distress, and were upon the point of surrendering themselves, made their escape. A fine army was collected. Philip was enclosed in a swamp and neck of land, and could not at that time have made his escape, by any other means than by defeating, or fighting his way through the army, had the English conducted with prudence and fortitude. They might have renewed the attack upon them next morning, and had the day before them to finish their work, and put an end to the war; but, instead of this, they left a few companies to guard the swamp, which was upon Pocasset neck, and starve out the enemy. Philip, about six or eight days after, found means to rid himself from the danger. He either waded across an arm of the sea, at low water, or passed over it with his warriors upon rafts. He and his war-riors triumphed, and were blown up with still greater courage and insolence. The Indians in general were encouraged, so that soon after there was a general rising of them against the English throughout New-England, for an extent of nearly three hundred miles.

As the Indians had lived promiscuously with the English, in all parts of the country, they were generally as well acquainted with their dwellings, fields, and places of worship, as themselves. They were perfectly acquainted with their roads, times, and places of resort. They were at hand, to watch all their motions, to attack them at every difficult pass, and in every unguarded moment. Except some of the thickest settlements, and the centre of the towns, the country was a vast wilderness. This enabled the en-emy, not only in small skulking parties, but in great bodies, to make their approaches undiscovered, almost into the very midst of them; and under covert of the night, to creep into their barns,




gardens, and out houses; to conceal themselves behind their fences, and lie in wait for them on the roads and in their fields. Sometimes they concealed themselves before their very doors. No sooner did they open them, in the morning, than they were instantly shot dead. From almost every quarter, they were ready to rise upon them. At midnight, in the morning, or whenever they could obtain an advantage, they were ready to attack them. While the English were hunting them in one place, they would be slaying the inhabitants, and plundering and burning in another. In a short time, they would plunder and burn a town, kill and captivate the inhabitants, and retire into swamps and fastnesses, where it was dangerous to pursue, difficult to discover, and impos-sible to attack them, but at the greatest disadvantage.

Notwithstanding every precaution and exertion of the colonies, they continued plundering, burning, killing, and captivating, in one place and another, and kept the whole country in continual fear and alarm. There was no safety to man, woman, nor child; to him who went out, nor to him who came in. Whether they were asleep or awake-whether they journeyed, laboured, or wor-shipped, they were in continual jeopardy. The inhabitants of Massachusetts, Plymouth, and Rhode-Island, especially, were killed, plundered, and their towns and buildings burned, in a most distressing and terrible manner.

Beside other damages, not so considerable, captain Hutchin-son, who had been sent with a party of horse, to treat with the Nipmuck Indians, was drawn into an ambush August 2d, near Brookfield, and mortally wounded. Sixteen of his company were killed. The enemy then rushed in upon the town, and burnt all the dwelling-houses, except one, which was defended by the gar-rison, until it was reinforced, two days after, by major Willard. The enemy then drew off, having burned twenty dwelling-houses, with all the barns and out houses, and killed all the cattle and horses which they could find. In September, Hadley, Deerfield, and Northfield, on Connecticut river, were attacked, and num-bers of the inhabitants killed and wounded. Most of the build-ings in Deerfield were burnt, and Northfield was soon after aban-doned to the enemy. There were a number of skirmishes, about the same time, in that part of the country, in which the English, on the whole, were losers.

Captain Beers was surprised near Northfield, September I2th, by a large body of the enemy, and he and twenty of his party were killed.

The officers who commanded in that quarter, finding that, by sending out parties, they sustained continual loss and disappoint-ment, and effected nothing of importance, determined to collect a magazine at Hadley, and garrison the town. At Deerfield, there were about three thousand bushels of wheat in stack. It was




resolved to thresh this out, and bring it down to Hadley. On Sep-tember 18th, while captain Lothrop, with a chosen corps of young men, the flower of the county of Essex, was guarding the teams employed in this service, seven or eight hundred Indians suddenly attacked him. Though he fought with great bravery, yet he fell, with nearly his whole party. Many of the teamsters were also cut off. Ninety or an hundred men were killed on the spot. Captain Mosely, who was stationed at Deerfield, marched to reinforce captain Lothrop, but he arrived too late for his as-sistance. Captain Mosely was then obliged to fight the whole body of the enemy, for several hours, until the brave major Treat, of Connecticut, with about a hundred and sixty Englishmen and Moheagan Indians, marched up to his assistance, and put the enemy to flight.1 The fall of captain Lothrop, and such a fine body of men, was a heavy loss to the country; especially to the county of Essex, filling it with great and universal lamentation.

During the term of about forty years, the Indians in the vicinity of Springfield had lived in the greatest harmony with the English, and still made the strongest professions of friendship; yet, about this time, they conspired with Philip's warriors for the destruction of that town. At the distance of about a mile from it they had a fort. The evening before they made their assault, they received into it about three hundred of Philip's warriors. The same even-ing, one Toto, a Windsor Indian, discovered the plot, and dis-patches were immediately sent off, from Windsor to Springfield, and to major Treat, who lay at Westfield, with the Connecticut troops, to apprise them of the danger. But the people at Spring-field were so strongly persuaded of the friendship of those Ind-ians, that they would not credit the report. One lieutenant Coop-er, who commanded there, was so infatuated, that, as soon as the morning appeared, instead of collecting his men and preparing for the defence of the town, he, with another bold man, rode out, with a design to go to the fort, and discover how the matter was. He soon met the enemy, who killed his companion, by his side, and shot several balls through his body. As he was a man of great strength and courage, he kept his horse, though mortally wounded, until he reached the first garrisoned house, and gave the alarm. The enemy immediately commenced a furious attack upon the town, and began to set fire to the buildings. The in-habitants were in the utmost consternation. They had none to command them, and must soon have all fallen a bloody sacrifice to a merciless foe, had not major Treat appeared for their relief.

1The commissioners, about the middle of September, ordered 1000 men to be raised for the general defence. Of these 500 were to be dragoons, with long arms, Connecticut was required to raise 315 men, for her proportion. A considerable part of this force was employed by Connecticut, under major Treat, for the de-fence of the upper towns. Captain Watts had been sent with a company to Deer-field, some time before.




Upon receiving intelligence of the designs of the enemy, he marched, without loss of time; but meeting with considerable hindrance in crossing the river, for want of boats, his arrival was not in such season as to prevent the attack. He soon drove off the enemy, saved the inhabitants, and a considerable part of the town. Great damage, however, was done in a very short time. Thirty dwelling houses, besides barns and out houses, were burned. Major Pyncheon and Mr. Purchas sustained each the loss of a thousand pounds.1 Mr. Pelatiah Glover, minister of the town, lost his house, with a large and excellent library.

In this stage of the war, the General Assembly of Connecticut convened, October 14th. The court, sensible of the good conduct of major Treat, in defending the colony, and the towns on Long-Island against the Dutch, and in relieving captain Mosely and Springfield, returned him public thanks, appointed him to the command of all the troops to be raised in the colony, to act against the enemy, and desired his acceptance of the service.

Upon intelligence from the Rev. Mr. Fitch, that a large body of the enemy were approaching the town of Norwich, major Treat was directed to march forthwith, for the defence of that part of the colony, But soon after, his orders were countermanded, and he marched for Northampton. Here he arrived in season to ren-der his country another piece of important service. The enemy had been so elated with their various successes, that, having col-lected about eight hundred of their warriors, they made a furious attack upon Hadley, October 19th. Almost every part of the town was assaulted at the same instant. But the town was defended by officers and men of vigilance and spirit, so that the enemy every where met with a warm reception. Several parties of the Massa-chusetts troops, who were in the neighboring garrisons, flew to their assistance, and major Treat, advancing with his usual dis-patch from Northampton, soon attacked them, with his whole force, and they were put to a total flight. They sustained such loss, and were so disheartened, that, from this time, the main body of them left that part of the country, and held their general ren-dezvous in Narraganset. Small numbers, however, remained, do-ing damage as they had opportunity, and keeping the people in constant fear and alarm.

From the intelligence communicated to the general assembly of Connecticut, during the October session, it appeared that the enemy had designs upon almost all the frontier towns in the col-ony. Each county was therefore required to raise sixty dragoons, complete in arms, horses, and ammunition, for the immediate defence of the colony, wherever their services might be necessary.

1Major Pyncheon was at Hadley, but did not come down, with the troops there, in season to prevent this great damage. He had, until this time, the chief com-mand in that part of the country, but he soon after resigned it, that he might take care of his own affairs.




Captain Avery was appointed to the command of forty English-men from the towns of New-London, Stonington, and Lyme, with such a number of Pequots as he should judge expedient, for the defence of that part of the country, and the annoyance of the enemy, as occasion should present. Captain John Mason was appointed to command another party of twenty Englishmen, and the Moheagan Indians. These parties were ordered to post them-selves in the best manner to guard the eastern towns, and to act conjointly or separately, as emergencies should require. An army of one hundred and twenty dragoons was appointed to act against the enemy, under the command of major Treat. It was ordered that all the towns should be fortified, and that every town should provide the best places of defence of which it was capable, for the security of the women and children, who were directed to repair to them upon the first intimations of danger. The inhabi-tants of the towns on the frontiers, who were few in number, and most exposed, were advised to remove their best effects, and people unable to defend themselves, to retire into the more popu-lous parts of the colony, where they would be in a more probable state of safety.

The Narragansets, in direct violation of the treaty, which they had made with the colonies, gave a friendly reception to Philip's men and other hostile Indians. The commissioners of the united colonies were satisfied, that some of them had been in actual ser-vice, in the assaults which had been made upon the English. Their young men had returned wounded to Narraganset. It was sup-posed, that the Narraganset sachems could muster two thousand warriors, and that they had a thousand muskets. It was judged that, if they should all engage, in the spring, in open hostilities, and scatter, as they might, into all parts of the country, all the force, which the colonies could bring into the field, would not be sufficient to defend the plantations against the united exertions of the enemy. In the summer and fall past, one company of brave men after another had been cut off, and future prospects were not more favorable. The commissioners of the united colonies there-fore resolved, that an army of a thousand men should be raised, for a winter campaign, to attack the enemy at their head quarters, in the Narraganset country. The colony of Massachusetts fur-nished a corps of five hundred and twenty seven men, consisting of six companies of foot and a troop of horse, commanded by major Appleton. Plymouth furnished one hundred and fifty-eight men, consisting of two companies, under the command of major Bradford and captain Gorham. The proportion of Connecticut was three hundred and fifteen men, but they sent into the field three hundred English men and 150 Moheagans and Pequot Ind-ians. These were divided into five companies, commanded by captains Seely, Gallup, Mason, Watts, and Marshall. This corps




was commanded by major Treat. The honorable Josiah Winslow, Esq. governor of New-Plymouth, was appointed commander in chief. The orders of the commissioners to Connecticut were is-sued at Boston, the 12th of November. They required, that the best officers and firmest men should be appointed, and armed and clothed in the best manner. It was required, that the troops should rendezvous at New-London, Norwich, and Stonington, by the 10th of December, ready to receive orders from the com-mander in chief.

The commissioners were sensible, that an expedition, at this season, would be most distressful and hazardous. Such is the extremity of the weather, in this climate, that they were not with-out apprehensions; the whole army might perish, should the troops be obliged to lie uncovered a single night in the open field. It did not escape their deliberations, that the snow often fell so deep, that it would be extremely difficult, if not impossible, to send any succours to the army, in case of any misfortune; but they considered this as the only probable expedient of defeating the enemy, and preventing the desolating of the country. They ob-served, "It was a humbling providence of God, that put his poor people to be meditating a matter of war at such a season." They appointed the second of December to be observed as a solemn fast, to seek the divine aid.1

The Connecticut troops arrived at Pettyquamscot, on the 17th of December. Here had been a number of buildings, in which the troops expected to have been covered and kindly entertained; but the enemy, a day or two before, had killed ten men and five women and children, and burned all the houses and barns. The next day, they formed a junction with the Massachusetts and Plymouth forces. Though the evening was cold and stormy, the troops were obliged to remain uncovered in the open field. The next morning, at the dawning of the day, they commenced their march towards the enemy, who were in a swamp at about fifteen miles distance. The troops from Massachusetts, headed by cap-tains Mosely and Davenport, led the van; their rear was brought up by major Appleton and captain Oliver. General Winslow, with the Plymouth companies, formed in the centre; and the troops of Connecticut formed in the rear of the whole, brought up by major Treat. This was the line of march.2

The troops proceeded with great spirit, wading through the snow, in a severe season, until nearly one o'clock, without fire to warm or food to refresh them, except what had been taken on the way. At this time, they had arrived just upon the seat of the enemy. This was upon a rising ground, in the centre of a large swamp. It was fortified with palisades, and compassed

1Letters of the commissioners to Connecticut

. 2Hubbard's Narrative, p. 104.




with a hedge without, nearly of a rod's thickness. The only en-trance, which appeared practicable, was over a log, or tree, which lay up five or six feet from the ground. This opening was com-manded in front by a kind of log house, and on the left by a flanker. As soon as the troops entered the skirts of the swamp, they discovered an advanced party of the enemy, upon whom they immediately fired. The enemy returned the fire, and retired be-fore them, until they were led to the very entrance by the block-house. Without reconnoitering the fort, or waiting for the army to march up and form for the attack, the Massachusetts troops, led on by their officers, with great courage, mounted the tree and entered the fort; but they were so galled from the blockhouse, and received such a furious and well directed fire from almost every quarter, that, after every exertion of skill and courage, of which they were capable, they were obliged to retreat out of the fort. The whole army pressed forward with the utmost courage and exertion, but such were the obstructions from the swamp and the snow, that it was a considerable time before the men could ail be brought up to action. By reason of this, and the sharpness of the fire from the flanker and block-house, a sufficient number of men were not able to enter the fort to support those brave officers and men, who so courageously began the assault. Cap-tains Johnson and Davenport, and many brave men of the Massa-chusetts, were killed. The Connecticut troops, who formed in the rear, coming up to the charge, mounted over the log before the blockhouse, the captains leading and spiriting up the men in the most undaunted manner. About the same time that the main body of the Connecticut troops were forcing their way by the block-house, a few bold men ran round to the opposite part of the fort, where they found a narrow spot where there were no palisades, but a high and thick hedge of trees and brush. The sharpness of the action in the front had drawn off the enemy from this part, and climbing over unobserved, they ran down between the wigwams, and poured a heavy and well directed fire upon the backs of the enemy, who lay wholly exposed to their shot.1 Thus assaulted, in front and rear, they were driven from the flanker and block-house. The captains crying out, they run, they run, the men pressed so furiously upon them, that they were forced from that part of the fort. The soldiers without rushed in, with great spirit, and the enemy were driven from one covert and hiding place to another, until the middle of the fort was gained; and after a long and bloody action they were totally routed and fled into the wilderness. As they retired, the soldiers set fire to the wig-wams, about six hundred of which were instantly consumed. The

1Manuscripts of the Rev. Mr. Ruggles. He observes, "It is a pity things so curious and remarkable, and wherein the hand of Providence so evidently appeared, as in talcing the fort at Narraganset, should be lost. They deserve to be recorded in history."




enemy's corn, stores, and utensils, with many of their old men, women, and children, perished in the conflagration. It was sup-posed, that three hundred warriors were slain, besides many wounded, who afterwards died of their wounds and with the cold. Nearly the same number were taken, with three hundred women and children. From the number of wigwams in the fort, it is prob-able that the whole number of the Indians was nearly four thou-sand. Those who were not killed in battle, or did not perish in the flames, fled to a cedar swamp, where they spent the night, without food, fire, or covering.

It was, nevertheless, a dearly bought victory. Six brave cap-tains fell in the action, and eighty men were killed or mortally wounded. A hundred and fifty were wounded, who afterwards recovered. After the fatiguing march, and hard fought battle of three hours, in which the troops had been exercised, the army, just at the setting of the sun, having burnt and destroyed all in their power, left the enemy's ground, and, carrying about two hundred dead and wounded men, marched back, sixteen or eigh-teen miles, to head quarters. The night was very cold and stormy. The snow fell deep, and it was not until midnight, or after, that the army got in. Many of the wounded, who otherwise might have recovered, died with the cold, and the fatigue and inconveniences of such a distressing march.1 After lying the preceding night in the open field, and after all the exertions of so long and sharp an action, the army marched, through snow and a pathless wilder-ness, in less than twenty-four hours, more than thirty miles. The courage exhibited by every part of the army, the invincible hero-ism of the officers, the firmness and resolution of the soldiers, when they saw their captains falling before them, and the hard-ships endured, are hardly credible, and rarely find a parallel in ancient or modern ages. The cold was extreme, and the snow fell so deep that night, that it was difficult, the next day, for the army to move. Many of the soldiers were frozen, and their limbs ex-ceedingly swollen. Four hundred were disabled and unfit for duty. The Connecticut troops were more disabled than those of the other colonies. They had endured a tedious march from Stonington to Pettyquamscot; and as the buildings there were all destroyed, they endured great hardships before their junction

1It appears, by the letters from the army, that twenty men only were killed in the action. This was the whole number dead, when the army began their march for head quarters. Eight were left on the ground, and twelve carried off by the army. Ten or twelve died on the march, and several next morning, so that on the 2Oth of December, thirty-four were buried in a grave. Four died the next day, and two the day after. Forty only were dead on the 22d. Though the best surgeons which the country could furnish, were provided, yet the season was so severe, and the accommodations, after all the exertions which could be made, so poor, that, by the end of January, twenty more were in their graves. The number mentioned, as killed, in the ancient histories, included all who were killed or died afterwards of their wounds.




with the troops of the other colonies. They had sustained a much greater loss in the action, in proportion to their numbers, than the troops of the other colonies.1 Of the five Connecticut cap-tains, three, Seely, Gallup, and Marshall, were killed, and captain Mason received a wound, of which he died about nine months after. Marshall was killed as he ascended the tree before the log house. The fire of the enemy was dreadful, when the Connecti-cut men were entering, and after they first entered the fort, until the men who came in upon the backs of them, began to fire their large muskets, loaded with pistol bullets, upon the enemy, where they stood together in the closest manner. This at once discon-certed them, and checked their fire, in that quarter. Gallup and Seely, leading and animating their men, in this dreadful moment, soon fell. The enemy made an obstinate defence, after the men gained the fort the second time, taking the advantage of their block-houses, wigwams, and every covert of which they could avail themselves. Some of the soldiers expended all their am-munition before the action was terminated, and were obliged to seek new supplies.

The troops from Connecticut had sustained such a loss of offi-cers, and were so disabled, that major Treat judged it absolutely necessary to return to Connecticut, where he might recruit them, and cover them with more convenience, than could possibly be done in that part of the country. The wounded men, who were

1The whole number killed and wounded, was about two hundred. From the returns and letters before me, it appears, that of the Massachusetts, there were ore hundred killed and wounded, of whom thirty-one were killed or died of their wounds. Among these were captains Johnson, Davenport, and Gardiner. They had, also, a lieutenant Upham mortally wounded, who died afterwards at Boston. Plymouth sustained the loss of twenty killed and wounded; eight or nine, it seems, were killed, or died of their wounds afterwards. Of the three hundred English men from Connecticut, eighty were killed and wounded; twenty in captain Seely's, twenty in captain Gallup's, seventeen in captain Watts's, nine in captain Mason's, and fourteen in captain Marshall's company. Of these about forty were killed, or died of their wounds. About half the loss in this bloody action, fell upon Connect-icut. The legislature of the colony, in a representation of the services they had performed in the war, say, "In that signal service, the fort fight, in Narraganset, as we had our full number, in proportion with the other confederates, so all say they did their full proportion of service. Three noble soldiers, Seely, courageous Marshall, and bold Gallup, died in the bed of honour; and valiant Mason, a fourth captain, had his death's wound. There died many brave officers, and sentinels, whose memory is blessed; and whose death redeemed our lives. The bitter cold, the tarled swamp, the tedious march, the strong fort, the numerous and stubborn enemy they contended with, for their God, king and country, be their trophies over death. He that commanded our forces then, and now us, made no less than seven-teen fair shots at the enemy, and was thereby as oft a fair mark for them. Our mourners, over all the colony, witness for our men, that they were not unfaithful in that day." It is the tradition, that major, afterwards governor Treat, received a ball through the brim of his hat, and that he was the last man who left the fort, in the dusk of the evening, commanding the rear of the army. The burning the wigwams, the shrieks and cries of the women and children, and the yelling of the warriors, exhibited a most horrible and affecting scene, so that it greatly moved some of the soldiers. They were in much doubt then, and, afterwards, often seriously inquired, whether burning their enemies alive could be consistent with humanity, and the benevolent principles of the gospel. [Manuscripts of the Rev. Mr. Thomas Ruggles.]




not able to travel, were put on board vessels and carried to Rhode-Island. The Connecticut troops, in their march from Stonington to Pettyquamscot, killed six and captivated seven of the enemy. On their return home, they killed and captivated about thirty more.1

The Massachusetts and Plymouth troops kept the field the greatest part of the winter, ranged the country, captivated num-bers of the enemy, brought in considerable quantities of corn and beans, and burned more than 200 wigwams; but achieved noth-ing brilliant or decisive. In the whole, in the fort and in the country, the English burned between eight and nine hundred wig-wams, and destroyed almost the whole of the enemy's provisions. This was much more distressing, and had a greater influence in their total ruin, than was at first imagined.

Meanwhile, much pains were taken to make peace, and various messages passed between the English and the Indians, on that subject; but they would not accept of any overtures which the colonies thought proper to make to them.

As the enemy had lost their dwellings and principal stores, in Narraganset, the great body of their warriors moved off to the northward, to the Nipmuck country, and into the wilderness, north of Brookfield. They were not, however, idle. The latter part of January, 1676, they drove off, from one man, at Warwick, as they took leave of their country, sixteen horses, fifty neat cattle, and two hundred sheep. In February, the Narraganset and Nip-muck Indians fell upon Lancaster, and plundered and burned the greatest part of the town. They either killed or captivated forty of the inhabitants.2 Some days after, they made an assault on Medfield, killed twenty men, and laid nearly half of the town in ashes.

March was a month of still greater disasters. The towns of Northampton and Springfield, of Chelmsford, Groton, Sudbury, and Marlborough, in Massachusetts, and of Warwick and Provi-dence, in Rhode-Island, were assaulted; and some of them partly, and others entirely, destroyed. Many of the inhabitants were killed, and others led away into a miserable captivity.

Captain Pierce, about the same time, with fifty Englishmen and twenty friendly Indians, was drawn into an ambush, March 26th, and surrounded by a great body of the enemy, who slew every Englishman, and the greatest part of the Indians. This was a great loss to so small a colony as Plymouth, to whom captain Pierce and his company belonged. Two days after, the enemy

1No mention is made here of a second expedition by major Treat, with about 300 men from New London, January 25, 1676. This expedition resulted in killing or capturing about seventy of the enemy.-J. T.

2The enemy set fire to the garrison house, and the women and children were all captivated, among whom was the wife and family of Mr. Rowlandson, minister of the town.




fell upon Rehoboth, in the vicinity of Swanzey, where hostilities first began, and burned forty dwelling houses, besides barns and out houses.

Captain Wadsworth, a brave officer, with fifty men, marching, ten days before, to the relief of Sudbury, was surrounded by a numerous body of the enemy, and fell with his whole party. Mas-sachusetts, at this time, was in great distress and sorrow. It was feared by many, that the whole colony would be depopulated. But it was now full tide with the enemy, they soon received an important check, and began rapidly to decline.

In February, 1676, a number of volunteers from Connecticut, belonging principally to New-London, Norwich, and Stonington, formed themselves into companies, under major Palms, captain George Denison, captain James Avery, and captain John Stanton, for the annoyance of the enemy. They engaged a number of Mo-heagans, Pequots, and Narragansets, to be associates with them, for the sake of plunder, and other considerations. The Mohea-gans were commanded by Onecho, one of the sons of Uncas; the Pequots, by Cassasinamon, their chief; and the Narragansets, consisting of about twenty men, by Catapazet. These latter were Ninigrate's men, who, in time past, had given the colonies so much trouble; but at this time they remained quiet, and would not join the other Narraganset sachems.1

These companies began to range the Narraganset country, and harass the enemy, the latter part of February, and continued mak-ing their incursions from that time until the enemy were driven from those quarters. As soon as one company returned, another went out immediately, so as to keep the enemy in continual alarm. Their success was admirable.

Captain Denison, of Stonington, on the 27th of March, began a very successful incursion into the country.

Nanunttenoo, or Canonchet, the head sachem of all the Narra-gansets, son of Miantonimoh, inheritor of all his pride, and of his insolence and hatred towards the English, had ventured down from the northern wilderness to Seaconk, near the seat of Philip, to procure seed corn, to plant the towns which the English had deserted, upon Connecticut river. He had been aiding in the slaughter of captain Pierce and his men just before. After cap-tain Denison and his party had wearied themselves for several days, in hunting the enemy, they came upon their tracks near Blackston's river, and soon discovered, by a squaw whom they took, that Nanunttenoo was in a wigwam, not far distant. The captain made dispositions immediately to surprise him. While he was boasting of that great feat of cutting off captain Pierce,

1The principal seat of Ninigrate was at Westerly, which formerly belonged to Stonington. He put himself under the English, and he, and his Indians, were the only ones who were not destroyed, or driven from that part of the country.




and diverting himself with the story, the English came upon him. Some of his party, discovering them, ran off with great precipi-tation; but one more faithful than the rest, entered the wigwam and acquainted him with his danger. He instantly fled with all his might. Catapazet, from the manner of his running, suspecting it was Nanunttenoo, gave chase with as much eagerness as he fled. The other Indians, who were most light of foot, joined in the pursuit. They pressed him so hard, that he soon threw off his blanket, and then his silver laced coat, which had been given him at Boston. The pursuers, perceiving that they were not mis-taken with respect to the person, employed their utmost exertions to seize him. At length, plunging through the river, his foot slipped, upon a smooth stone, and he fell and wet his gun. One Monopoide, a Pequot, outrunning the other Indians, leaped through the river after him, and soon laid hold upon him. Though he was a man of goodly stature, and of great strength and courage, yet he made no resistance. One Robert Stanton, a young man, was the first Englishman who came up to him. He asked him several questions; but this haughty sachem, look­ing with disdain upon his youthful countenance, replied, in broken English, "You too much child; no understand matters of war- Let your captain come; him I will answer." This party, in about sixteen days, killed and took nearly fifty of the enemy, without the loss of a single man. This success was more important on account of the capture of the chief sachem, and a number of counsellors and war captains.

Nanunttenoo would not accept of life when offered upon the condition that he should make peace with the English; nor would he so much as send one of his counsellors to make a single pro-posal for that purpose. When he was made acquainted that it was determined to put him to death, he said, "He liked it well; that he should die before his heart was soft, or he had spoken any thing unworthy of himself." The Moheagan sachem, his coun-sellors, and the principal Pequots, shot him at Stonington. Those brave volunteer captains and their flying parties had, at this time, killed and captivated forty-four of the enemy, and before the end of April, seventy-six more, about a hundred and twenty in one month. Among these was another sachem, a grandson of Pom-ham, who was esteemed the best soldier and most warlike of all the Narraganset sachems. They made, in the spring, summer, and fall, ten or twelve expeditions, in which they killed and cap-tivated two hundred and thirty of the enemy, took fifty muskets, and brought in one hundred and sixty bushels of their corn. They drove all the Narraganset Indians out of their country, except those at Westerly under Ninigrate.1 In all these expeditions they had not one man killed or wounded.2 Governor Hutchinson ob-

1Declaration of the volunteers, sworn before governor Saltonstall.

2Hubbard's Narrative, from p. 125 to 131.




serves, that "the brave actions of the Connecticut volunteers have not been enough applauded. Denison's name ought to be per-petuated."

While Connecticut had the honor and happiness of giving a check to the war, the colony sustained a heavy loss in the death of governor Winthrop. He had been chosen one of the com-missioners from Connecticut, the May preceding, to the court of the commissioners of the united colonies. Upon the meeting of this court, early in the spring, he went to Boston, where he was taken sick and died, April 5th, 1676, in the 71st year of his age. He was honorably interred, at Boston, in the same tomb with his father.

He was the eldest son of the honorable John Winthrop, Esq. the first governor of Massachusetts. His birth was at Groton in England, 1605. His father gave him a liberal education, at the university of Cambridge, in England; and afterwards supported him some years at the university of Dublin, in Ireland. As travel-ling was considered a great accomplishment to a young gentle-man, he travelled into France, Holland, Germany, Italy, and Tur-key. With these advantages he returned to England, not only a great scholar, rich in experience and literature, but a most ac-complished gentleman. While he collected the literature and excellencies of the various nations and countries through which he passed, he cautiously avoided their errors and vices. He was a puritan of distinguished piety and morals. After his return from his travels, he came into New-England, with his father's family, in 1631, and was chosen one of the magistrates of the colony of Massachusetts. He afterwards went into England; and in 1635, returned with a commission to erect a fort at the mouth of Con-necticut river, and to be governor of that part of the country. In 1651, he was chosen one of the magistrates of Connecticut. In 1657, he was elected governor, and the next year deputy gov-ernor. In 1659, he was again chosen governor; from which time he was annually rechosen to that office, until his death. He was one of the greatest chymists and physicians of his age, a member of the royal society of philosophical transactions, and one of the most distinguished characters in New-England. He rendered many important services to the colony, was exceedingly beloved in life, and died greatly and universally lamented.

At the election, May nth, William Leet, Esq. was chosen gov-ernor, and Robert Treat, Esq. deputy governor. Captain John Mason was chosen magistrate, to fill the vacancy made by the advancement of major Treat, to the office of deputy governor. No alteration was made with respect to the other officers.

The assembly voted three hundred and fifty men, who, with the friendly Indians, were to be a standing army, to defend the country and harass the enemy. Major John Talcott was ap-




pointed to the chief command. The Rev. Gershom Bulkley, of Weathersfield, was appointed surgeon, and Mr. James Fitch, chaplain. Mr. Bulkley was viewed as one of the greatest physicians and surgeons then in Connecticut. The assembly ordered that the surgeon and chaplain should be of the council of war.

Major Talcott, on his appointment to the command of the army, resigned the office of treasurer, and William Pitkin, Esq. was ap-pointed to that office, by the assembly.

The first general rendezvous of the army, this year, was at Norwich. From thence major Talcott marched, the beginning of June, with about two hundred and fifty English soldiers and two hundred Moheagan and Pequot Indians, up towards the Wabaquasset country, scouring the woods through that long tract. They found the country every where deserted. The fort and wigwams at Wabaquasset were deserted. Nothing more could be done there, than demolish the Indian fortress and de-stroy about fifty acres of corn which the enemy had planted. On the 5th of June, the army marched to Chanagongum, in the Nipmuck country. There they killed nineteen Indians, and took thirty-three captives.1 The army then marched to Quabaug, or Brookfield, and thence to Northampton. This was a long march, in which the troops suffered greatly for want of provisions. It has ever since, in Connecticut, been known by the name of the long and hungry march. Major Talcott expected to have met with the Massachusetts forces at Brookfield, or in that vicinity, but they did not arrive.

On the I2th of June, four days after the arrival of the Connecti-cut troops at Northampton, about seven hundred Indians made a furious attack upon Hadley; but major Talcott, with his party, soon appeared for the relief of the garrison, and drove off the enemy. His seasonable arrival was, providentially, a happy cir-cumstance, which probably saved Hadley, and other towns upon the river.

Some time after, the Massachusetts forces arrived, and, in con-junction with major Talcott and his soldiers, scoured the woods on both sides the river, as far as the falls at Deerfield. The en-emy, by this time, had made their escape from that part of the country. The army broke up their fisheries, destroyed their fish and other stores, recovered some stolen goods, and returned, without effecting any thing very important.

After major Talcott had spent about three weeks in service upon the river, he left that quarter, and marched through the wilderness, towards Providence and the Narraganset country. On the 1st of July, the army came near a large body of the enemy, and took four. Two days after, major Talcott surprised the main

1Major Talcott's letter to the committee of war, June 8, 1676.




body of them, by the side of a large cedar swamp. He made such a disposition of his men, and attacked them so suddenly, that a considerable number were killed and taken on the spot; others escaped to the swamp. The troops compassed the swamp, and, after an action of two or three hours, killed and took 171. Thirty-four warriors were killed in the action, and also Magnus, the sunk squaw, or old queen of Narraganset; 90 of the captives were killed, and between 40 and 50 women and children preserved alive.

The same day, the troops marched to Providence, and com-passed the neck there, and afterwards, Warwick neck; in which places they killed and captured 67. Eighteen were killed. In these several rencontres, 238 were killed and taken, with about 30 arms.1

About the 5th of July, the army returned to Connecticut. In their route, they took 60 more of the enemy. From about the beginning of April to the 6th of July, the Connecticut volunteers, and the troops under major Talcott, killed and captivated about 420 of the enemy.2

The enemy, about this time, fell into a state of division, fear, and astonishment. They found that, by attempting to destroy their English neighbours, they had utterly ruined themselves. A complication of evils conspired for their destruction. The de-struction of their fort and principal stores, in the dead of winter, the burning of their wigwams, and bringing off their corn and beans, in all parts of the country, put them to inexpressible hard-ships and distresses. They had been able to plant but little, in the spring; what they had planted, the English had destroyed; they had been driven from the sea and rivers, and cut off from almost every kind of subsistence. They had been obliged to lie in swamps and marshes; to feed on horse flesh, and other un-wholesome food; all which gendered infirmity and death; so that they became debilitated and disheartened by fatigue, famine, dis-ease, and mortality.3 They could not keep together in any con-siderable bodies, for want of sustenance. They were pursued and hunted from swamp to swamp, and from one lurking place to another; so that, in July and August, they began to come in to the English, in large bodies, and surrender themselves to the mercy of their conquerors.

Major Talcott, after his return from Narraganset, having re-cruited his men a short time in Connecticut, took his station at Westfield. While he lay there, a large body of the enemy was discovered fleeing to the westward. Major Talcott pursued them, and on the third day, about half way between Westfield and Al-bany, discovered them lying on the west side of Housatonick

1Major Talcott's letter to the council of war, July 4th, 1676.

2Hubbard's Narrative, p. 131, 164, 166. Hutchinson's history, vol. i, p. 305 306.

3Some of the captives reported, that more died by sickness, than the sword.




river, entirely secure. It was judged too late in the day to attack them to any purpose. The army, therefore, retreated, and lay upon their arms, in great silence, during the night. Towards morning, the troops were formed in two divisions. One was or-dered to pass the river below the enemy, and to advance and compass them in on that side. The other party, creeping silently up to the east bank of the river, were to lie prepared instantly to fire, when they should receive the signal from the other division, who, when they had reached their ground, were to fire a single gun. But this well contrived plan was in some measure discon-certed. An Indian had left his companions in a dead sleep, and proceeded down the river to catch fish. As the division on the west side of the river was advancing to surround the enemy, he discovered them, and roared out, "Awannux, Awannux." Upon this, one of the party fired, and killed him on the spot. The other division, on the east bank of the river, supposing this to be the signal gun, discharged upon the enemy, as they were rising in surprise, or lay upon the ground, and killed and wounded a great number of them. Those who were not killed, or disabled by wounds, instantly fled, leaving their camp, baggage, provisions, and many of their arms. As the division on the west side, had not advanced to the ground designed, before the alarm was given, the enemy made their escape with much less damage, than other-wise they could have done. The troops pursued them some dis-tance, but the woods were so extremely thick, that they soon disappeared, and the army returned. The sachem of Quabaug or Brookfield was killed, and 44 other Indians were killed and taken. Among the killed were 25 warriors.1

Several brave captains and officers in the Massachusetts, in July and August, were very successful. Captain Church, of Plym-outh, afterwards major Church, a famous partisan, took several small parties of the enemy. The Indians, who were taken or came in to the English to save their own lives, betrayed their friends, and led the English captains to their haunts and hiding places. Thus assisted, the Massachusetts and Plymouth soldiers hunted Philip from week to week, and from place to place. They killed and captured his brother, his counsellors, and chief men, his wife and family; but his mind continued firm and unbroken. In the midst of all this misfortune and distress, he would hear no pro-posals of peace. At length, on the 12th of August, captain Church, led by one of Philip's men, whom he had disaffected, by shooting his brother, only for proposing to him to make peace with the colonies, surprised this famous sachem, in a swamp, near Mount Hope. As he was flying to make his escape, the Indian who had been guide to the party, shot him through the heart. Thus fell a brave enemy, who had defended himself and his coun-

1Manuscripts of the Rev. Thomas Ruggles and Hubbard's Narrative.




try, and what he imagined to be his own, and the just rights of his countrymen, to the last extremity.

The Indians in this part of the country, now generally submitted to the English, or fled and incorporated with distant and strange nations. After this time, very little damage was done.

Connecticut offered the same conditions to the enemy, upon their submission, which had been given to the Pequots: That they should have life, liberty, protection, and ground to plant. Some principal incendiaries and murderers, however, were ex-cepted. They disdained to accept the terms, and generally fled their country. The Nipmucks, Nashawas, Pocomtocks, the Had-ley and Springfield Indians, fled to the French and their Indians, in Canada. About 200 of them, after their surprise at Housa-tonick river, fled to the Moheaganders, upon Hudson's river, in-corporated and became one with them.

When Philip began the war, he, and his kinswoman, Wetamoe, had about 500 warriors, and the Narragansets nearly 2000. The Nipmuck, Nashawa, Pocomtock, Hadley, and Springfield Ind-ians, were considerably numerous. It is probable, therefore, that there were about 3000 warriors combined for the destruction of the New-England colonies, exclusive of the eastern Indians. The war terminated in their entire conquest, and almost total extinc-tion. At the same time, it opened a wide door to extensive set-tlement and population.

This, however, in its connection with the war with the eastern Indians, which commenced about the same time, was the most impoverishing and distressing, of any which New-England has ever experienced, from its first settlement to the present time. The war with the eastern Indians continued until the spring of the year 1678. The enemy killed and captivated great numbers of the people, captured nearly twenty fishing vessels, with their crews, and rioted in plunder and devastation, until most of the settlements in those parts were swept away, and the country was reduced to their domination.1

About 600 of the inhabitants of New-England, the greatest part of whom were the flower and strength of the country, either fell in battle, or were murdered by the enemy. A great part of the inhabitants of the country were in deep mourning. There were few families or individuals who had not lost some near relative or friend. Twelve or thirteen towns, in Massachusetts, Plymouth, and Rhode-Island, were utterly destroyed, and others greatly damaged. About 600 buildings, chiefly dwelling houses, were consumed with fire.2 An almost insuperable debt was contracted

1Dr. Belknap's hist. vol. i. p. 157, 159.

2 This statement of the loss of lives, towns, and buildings, is made from an ac-curate enumeration of the various numbers mentioned, in the ancient histories, of the lives lost, and of the towns and buildings burned. But as there were, doubt-less, many persons killed, and others who died of their wounds, not mentioned in




by the colonies, when their numbers, dwellings, goods, cattle, and all their resources, were greatly diminished.

Connecticut, indeed, had suffered nothing, in comparison with her sister colonies. Her towns and inhabitants had been pre-served from the ravages of the enemy; but about a seventh part of the whole militia was out upon constant service, besides the volunteers. A large proportion was obliged to watch and guard the towns at home. The particular towns were necessitated to fortify themselves with an inclosure of pallisades, and to prepare and fortify particular dwellings for garrison houses, which might, in the best manner, command the respective towns; and to which the aged people, women, and children might repair, and be in safety, in the time of danger. For three years after the war commenced, the inhabitants paid eleven pence on the pound, upon the grand list, exclusive of all town and parish taxes. After the war was finished, they had a considerable debt to discharge. The colony, nevertheless, was highly distinguished and favoured in many respects. The numerous Indians within it, were not only peaceable, but the Moheagans and Pequots were of great service in the war. They were not only a defence to the eastern towns, but especially advantageous in discovering and harassing the enemy, and in preventing a surprise by them. Connecticut had not one party of men surprised and cut off during the war; nor did the colony sustain any considerable loss of men, at any time, except in taking the fort in Narraganset. At the same time, the legislature and people were happy, in giving seasonable and pow-erful assistance to their confederates, and in repeatedly rescuing whole towns and parties, when in the most imminent danger.

those accounts, they must have exceeded the number here stated. The histories of those troubles, rarely mention the barns, stores and out houses burned; and some-times there is notice of the burning of part of a town, and of the buildings in such a tract, without any specification of the number. All the buildings in Narraganset, from Providence to Stonington, a tract of about fifty miles, were burned, or other-wise destroyed, by the enemy, but the number is not mentioned. The loss of build-ings must, therefore, have been much greater than has been mentioned.

The militia of Connecticut, in 1675, amounted to 2,250 men. Of these, the commissioners required 315, as their proportion of the 1,000 men then to be raised.

If the proportion was just, there were about 7,150 of the militia of the united colonies. Reckoning every fifth man a soldier, and five persons to every family, there were 7,150 families, and 35,750 inhabitants, at that time in the united col-onies. According to this estimation, about one fencible man in eleven was killed, and every eleventh family was burned out; or an eleventh part of the whole mili-tia, and of all the buildings of the united colonies were swept away by this preda-tory war. This greatly exceeded the loss in the late war with Great-Britain, in pro-portion to the numbers and wealth of the United States.