SUCH reports of the preparations of the French and Indians, to make a descent upon some part of New-England, were spread abroad, about the beginning of the year 1707, as gave a general alarm to the country. On the 6th of February, 1707, a council of war, consisting of the governor, most of the council, and a con-siderable number of the chief military officers in the colony, con-vened at Hartford. A letter was received from deputy governor Treat, and another from major Schuyler at Albany, giving intelli-gence, that the French, and Indians in their interest, were about to make a descent upon New-England. Information was also com-municated, that suspicions were entertained, that the Pohtatuck

1The legislature had before released their persons from taxation, but not their families and estates.




and Owiantuck Indians designed to join the French and Indians from Canada.

The committee resolved, that the western frontier towns, Sims-bury, Waterbury, Woodbury, and Danbury, should be fortified with all possible dispatch. As Waterbury had sustained great losses, by inundations, it was resolved, for their encouragement to fortify their houses well, that the governor and council would use their influence with the assembly, that their country rates should be abated. It was resolved, that each of these four towns should keep a scout of two faithful men, to be sent out every day, to dis-cover the designs of the enemy, and give intelligence should they make their appearance near the frontier towns.

To prevent damages from the Pohtatuck and Owiantuck In-dians, captain John Minor and Mr. John Sherman were appointed to remove them to Stratford and Fairfield. If by reason of sick-ness or any other cause they could not be removed, it was ordered, that a number of their chief men should be carried down to those towns, and kept as hostages to secure the fidelity of the rest.

On the second of April, a special assembly was convened in con-sequence of letters from governor Dudley. He had proposed to send an army of a thousand men against L'Acadia, and requested Connecticut to join with Massachusetts in the expedition.

After the affair had been maturely considered, the assembly de-termined not to comply with the proposal. The reasons given were, that they had not been consulted, nor had opportunity to consent to the expedition: That they did not understand that the neighbouring colonies, who were equally interested in the expedi-tion, with themselves, were called upon, or had consented to do any thing; and, that the vast expense of defending the county of Hampshire and their own frontiers, incapacitated them to join in the enterprise.

At the general election this year, the governor and council were all re-elected.

Upon the petition of John Pratt, Robert Chapman, John Clark, and Stephen Post, appointed a committee in behalf of the legatees of Joshua Uncas,1 the assembly granted a township which they named Hebron. The settlement of the town began in June, 1704. The first people who made settlements in the town were William Shipman, Timothy Phelps, Samuel Filer, Caleb Jones, Stephen Post, Jacob Root, Samuel Curtis, Edward Sawyer, Joseph Youngs, and Benoni Trumbtull. They were from Windsor, Say-brook, Long-Island, and Northampton. The settlement, at first, went on but slowly; partly, by reason of opposition made by

1By the last will of said Uncas, all the lands in Hebron were bequeathed to Thomas Buckingham, Esq. William Shipman and others, called the Saybrook legatees, except about 2,600 acres at the northeast corner, and about 4,000 acres at the south end of the town. There were also about 700 within the parish of Marl-borough. These lands were claimed by Mason.




Mason and the Moheagans, and partly, by reason of the extensive tracts claimed by proprietors, who made no settlements. Several acts of the assembly were made, and committees appointed to en-courage and assist the planters. By these means they so increased in numbers and wealth that in about six or seven years they were enabled to erect a meeting-house and settle a minister among them.

At the session in October, the assembly granted a township to Nathan Gould, Peter Burr, captain John Wakeman, Jonathan Sturges, and other inhabitants of the town of Fairfield, bounded southerly on Danbury, easterly on New-Milford, and westerly upon the colony line. It extended fourteen miles northward from Danbury. It was afterwards named New-Fairfield. The war, for several years, prevented all attempts for the settle-ment of this tract.

As the frontier towns had exhibited much zeal in fortifying themselves agreeably to the directions of the governor and coun-cil, the assembly made them a liberal compensation.

About this time the colony sustained a great loss in the death of the honorable Fitz John Winthrop, Esq.1 and a special assembly was convoked on the 17th of December, by deputy governor Treat, at New-Haven, for the purpose of electing another gov-ernor. The assembly ordered, that the votes of both houses should be mixed before they were sorted and counted, and that the majority of votes should determine the choice. Upon counting the votes, the Reverend Gurdon Saltonstall was declared to be chosen governor.

Four of the magistrates, the speaker of the house, with three of the other deputies, were appointed a committee to acquaint him with the choice, and solicit his acceptance of the important trust to which he had been chosen. A letter was addressed to him by the assembly, desiring him to accept of the choice which they had made, and, with the committee appointed to wait on him, to an-swer the letters of their agent, and transact whatever the exigen-cies of the government might require. A letter was also addressed to his church and congregation at New-London, acquainting them with the call, which the assembly imagined Mr. Saltonstall had to leave the ministry, and to dispose them to submit to such a dispensation.

1He was the son of the honorable John Winthrop, Esq. the first governor of Connecticut, under the charter. His birth was at Ipswich, in Massachusetts, 1638. Upon the assumption of the charter, May, 1689, he was chosen into the magistracy. In 1690, he was appointed major general of the land army designed against Canada. On the dispute relative to the command of the militia, he was sent agent, for the colony, to the British court, 1694. After his return, May, 1698, he was chosen gov-ernor, and was annually re-chosen during his life. He died November 27th, 1707, in the 69th year of his age.

He appears to have been a popular gentleman, and to have sustained a charac-ter without blemish.




The magistrates, upon Mr. Saltonstall's acceptance of the trust to which he had been chosen, were directed to administer to him the oath of the governor, and the oath respecting trade and navi-gation.

On the first of January, 1708, governor Saltonstall accepted of his office, and took the oaths appointed by law.

This assembly repealed the law which required, that the gov-ernor should always be chosen from among the magistrates in nomination, and gave liberty for the freemen to elect him from among themselves at large.

At the election, May 13th, 1708, governor Saltonstall was chosen governor by the freemen. Nathan Gould, Esq. was elected deputy-governor.1 The former magistrates were re-chosen, and Mr. John Haynes, for the first time, was elected one of the council. The former treasurer and secretary were re-chosen.

A township was granted, in the course of this session, at Poh-tatuck, afterwards named Newtown.

Connecticut, for a long course of years, had been at great trouble and expense, in attempting the settlement of the boundary line between this colony and Massachusetts. The inhabitants of Windsor and Simsbury had been often exceedingly injured, in their persons and property, by the people of Suffield and Enfield, especi-ally by the former. They Had not only encroached upon their lands and cut down their timber, but often seized upon their tar and tur-pentine, and even upon their persons, and forcibly carried them off to Suffield. In consequence of these outrages, great animosities had arisen between the inhabitants of those towns, and many lawsuits had been commenced. The assembly, as far as possible, to prevent and terminate these evils, enacted, May 13th, 1708, that commis-sioners should be appointed, with full powers to run the line, with such commissioners as Massachusetts should appoint for that pur-pose. They were directed to take care that the line should be run by skilful artists, with good instruments; and to take their station three miles south of every part of Charles river, whence Mr. James Taylor and the commissioners of this colony ran the line in 1702. They were instructed to run a due west line from that station, and to make and set up fair marks and monuments in the line between the colonies. And to prevent all further contention, it was en-

1The honorable Robert Treat, Esq. being, at this period, eighty-six years of age, retired from the scene of public action. He had been three years a magistrate and thirty-two years governor, or deputy-governor of the colony. He was elected magistrate, May, 1673, deputy-governor, 1676, and governor, in 1683. To this office lie was annually elected, fifteen years, until 1698: he was then chosen deputy-governor until the year 1708. He died about two years after, July 12th, 1710, in the 85th year of his age. Few men have sustained a fairer character, or rendered the public more important services. He was an excellent military officer; a man of singular courage and resolution, tempered with caution and prudence. His admin-istration of government was with wisdom, firmness and integrity. He was esteemed courageous, wise, and pious. He was exceedingly beloved and venerated by the people in general, and especially by his neighbours, at Milford, where he resided.




acted, that the inhabitants of Windsor, Simsbury, Suffield, and En-field, should not make any improvement on the contested lands, until the line should be run and settled. It was also enacted, that all suits should continue and rest, until the county court at Hart-ford, in October, and then to cease. It was provided, neverthe-less, that the court of Massachusetts should give the same orders to the people of that province, who claimed upon the line, and should immediately unite with Connecticut in settling the bound-ary between the colonies. Otherwise, it was determined, that all causes, bonds, and the like should be, and remain as though this act never had been passed.

Further, it was enacted, that, upon running the line, all the most ancient grants, made to the proprietors, by either govern-ment, should give title and property to the settlers on either side of the line. It was determined, that unless the court of Massachu-setts would agree to the running of the line in this manner, a peti-tion should be addressed to her majesty, praying her to give or-ders, that the divisional line might be run.

The assembly, at this session, ordered that a township should be laid out east of Woodstock, eight miles in length, and six in breadth. The inhabitants were vested with the privileges of a dis-tinct town, by the name of Killingly.1

The affairs of the war were conducted this year in the same man-ner as they had been the preceding. Colonel William Whiting commanded a body of horse and infantry in the county of Hamp-shire, and scouting parties and garrisons were maintained on the frontiers of the colony.

At the session in October, it was enacted, that two garrisons should be maintained, at the public expense, at Simsbury, and two at Waterbury. Garrisons were to be kept at Woodbury and Dan-bury, as the council of war should judge expedient.

At the election in 1709, Mr. Saltonstall was re-chosen governor, and Nathan Gould, deputy-governor. The magistrates were Daniel Witherel, Nathaniel Stanley, John Hamlin, William Pit-kin, John Chester, Joseph Curtis, Josiah Rossiter, Richard Chris-topher, Peter Burr, John Alien, John Haynes, and Samuel Eells, Esquires. Captain Joseph Whiting was treasurer, and Caleb Stan-ley secretary.

A letter was laid before this assembly from her majesty, rela-tive to an expedition against the enemy. The design was the re-duction of the French in Canada, Acadia, and Newfoundland. The letters from the earl of Sunderland, advising that her majesty would dispatch a squadron of ships to Boston, by the middle of

1At this session, the assembly ordered, "that the ministers of the gospel preach a sermon to the freemen, on the day appointed by law to choose their civil rulers in the towns where they meet, proper for their direction in the work before them." This seems to have been the origin of preaching freemen's meeting sermons in Con-necticut.




May, with five regiments of regular troops, required Connecticut to raise 350 men. The governments eastward of Connecticut, were required to raise 1200 men, and furnish them with transports, fiat bottomed boats, pilots, and provisions for three months service. With this force, it was designed to make an attack upon Quebec. At the same time, it was proposed to raise 1500 men in the gov-ernments of Connecticut, New-York, New-Jersey, and the south-ern colonies. This corps was to proceed by the way of the lakes, and make a descent upon the island of Montreal.

The legislature of Connecticut voted and raised their quota, with cheerfulness and expedition. Colonel Whiting was ap-pointed to command them. The assembly also voted an address of thanks to her majesty for her royal care and favor to the colonies, in devising means for the removal of an enemy, by whom the col-onies had been so great and repeated sufferers.

All the colonies except Pennsylvania furnished their quotas. The troops, with provisions, transports, and articles necessary for the enterprise, were ready in season. The provincials, from the eastern colonies, were ready to sail for Quebec by the 20th of May. Francis Nicholson, who had been lieutenant-governor of New-York, under Andross, and afterwards lieutenant-governor of Vir-ginia, was appointed to command the troops by land, and march as far as Wood Creek. There he was to wait until the arrival of the fleet expected at Boston, and then to advance, so that the attack upon Quebec and Montreal might be made at the same time. The colonies made great exertions for the public service. Besides their quotas, independent companies were raised and sent on to the army. More than a hundred batteaux, and an equal number of birch canoes, were constructed for crossing the lake. Three forts, several block houses, and stores for provisions were erected. But the armament expected from England did not arrive. The defeat of the Portuguese, and the straits to which the allies were reduced, occasioned the sailing of the fleet, designed for America, to Portu-gal, and the expedition was defeated. No intelligence arriving from England, and a great mortality prevailing among the troops, general Nicholson, early in the fall, returned to Albany. This fruitless undertaking was a capital loss and expense to the colo-nies. One quarter or more of the troops died. Connecticut only sustained the loss of ninety men.

This expedition occasioned the first emission of paper money in Connecticut.

At a special assembly, on the 8th of June, it was enacted, "That to assist in the expedition, for want of money otherwise to carry it on, there be forthwith imprinted a certain number of bills of credit on the colony, in suitable sums, from two shillings to five pounds, which, in the whole, shall amount to the sum of 8000l. and no more." It was enacted, that the bills should be issued from the




treasury as money, but should be received in payments at one shil-ling on the pound better than money. One half only was to be signed and issued at first, and the other was to remain unsigned, until it should be found necessary to put it into circulation. Taxes were imposed for the calling in of one half of it within the term of one year, and the other at the expiration of two years.

The expectations of the people, in the spring, had been wrought up to a high degree of assurance, that Canada would be reduced before the close of the campaign. Joy brightened in every coun-tenance, with the pleasing prospect, that a period would imme-diately be put to all the encroachments and ravages of a merciless enemy. Every heart was gladdened at the prospect of the enlarge-ment of the British empire, and the augmentation of the national commerce. When, therefore, from such harmonious and general exertion, and such uncommon expense, they experienced nothing but loss and disappointment, the chagrin and depression were pro-portionably great.

However, the importance of driving the French from Canada, and the necessity of immediate exertions to preserve the friendship and keep up the spirit of the five nations, without which, the fron- tiers would become a field of blood, induced the colonies to keep the object still in view. A congress of governors was appointed and met at Rehoboth, the beginning of October, to deliberate on the subject. General Nicholson, colonel Vetch, and others, met with them. An address was agreed upon to her majesty, repre- senting the great harmony and exertions of the colonies in her majesty's service; the importance of reducing the French in North-America to her majesty's obedience; praying her majesty to grant the colonies an armament, with their assistance, adequate to the design.

When the general assembly convened in October, governor Sal-tonstall communicated the transactions of the governors of the several colonies, and the address, which they had prepared, to her majesty. The assembly approved the address, and determined on a similar one themselves. Governor Saltonstall was appointed agent to make a voyage to England, and present it in person to her majesty. Provision was also made for the expense of his agency.

Notwithstanding the war, the colony made progress in settle-ment. In 1708, John Belden, Samuel Keeler, Matthew Seymour, Matthias St. John, and other inhabitants of Norwalk, to the num-ber of twenty-five, purchased a large tract, between that town and Danbury, bounded west on the partition line between Connecticut and New-York. The purchase was made of Catoonah, the chief sachem, and other Indians, who were the proprietors of that part of the country. The deed bears date September 30th, 1708. At this session, it was ordained that it should be a distinct township, by the name of Ridgefield.




The only alteration made, by the election, in May, 1710, was the choice of Matthew Alien, Esq. in the place of Daniel Witherell, Esq.

New-York, as well as Connecticut and the other New-England colonies, had made great exertions, the last campaign, for the re-duction of Canada. New-York, by means of the great influence of colonel Schuyler, had been able to bring six hundred of the Ind-ians of the five nations into the field. The colonel was extremely discontented at the late disappointment. No man had more ex-tensive views of the importance of expelling the French from this northern continent, and more zeal in the cause than he. So powerful was the influence which the affair had upon his mind, that he determined to make a voyage to England, at his own pri-vate expense, and to carry with him five sachems of the five na-tions, that by their representations, the more sensible impressions might be made upon her majesty and the British court. The as-sembly of New-York had determined to address her majesty on the subject; and no sooner was the house apprised of his design, than they unanimously resolved, that he should present their ad-dress to her sacred majesty. Accordingly, colonel Schuyler went to England, and presented the address. The Indian sachems were, also, introduced to the queen. They represented their long war, in conjunction with her children, against her enemies, the French: That they had been a strong wall of defence to her colonies, to the loss of their best warriors; and that they mightily rejoiced, when they heard their great queen had resolved to send an army to Canada. They said, that, in token of their friendship, they had, with one consent, hung up the kettle, and taken up the hatchet, and assisted general Nicholson; but when they found, that their great queen, by some important affairs, had been diverted from her design of subduing the French, it made them sorrowful, lest the enemy, who hitherto had dreaded them, should now imagine they were unable to make war upon them. They represented, that the reduction of Canada was of great weight to them, that they might hunt freely. They insisted, that if their great queen should be unmindful of them, they, and their families, must forsake their country, and seek other habitations, or they must stand neuter; neither of which suited their inclinations. In hope of their great queen's favour, they referred the affair to her gracious considera-tion.

General Nicholson went to England, in the fall of 1709, on the same business, to solicit a force against Canada. Governor Sal-tonstall, for some reason, did not accept of the agency to which he had been appointed. The address of Connecticut, it seems, was sent to be presented by another hand. In consequence of these united applications, great encouragements were given, that an ex-pedition would be again undertaken against Canada. In July, ad-




vice arrived in New-England, that lord Shannon, with a fleet destined for that service, was under sailing orders. Nicholson, who sailed with several ships of force, and some transports, from England, in the spring, came over with that expectation. How-ever, it finally proved, that the reduction of Port Royal and Nova-Scotia was the only object.

In consequence of a letter from her majesty, requiring the as-sistance of her subjects in this colony, in the expedition, a special assembly was convoked on the 14th of August Beside the loss of lives the last year, many of the soldiers then in service, remained in a sickly and weak condition. The enemy insulted the frontier towns, and the colony was obliged to keep a large number of men in pay for their defence. Nevertheless, such was the obedience of the legislature to her majesty's commands, and their zeal for her service, that they cheerfully voted three hundred men for the ex-pedition. Vessels and sailors were procured, and all necessary provision was made for the transportation and support of the troops. In about a month, they were raised and transported to Boston.

On the 18th of September, a fleet of thirty-six ships of war and transports, sailed from Nantasket for Port Royal. There were fourteen transports in the pay of Massachusetts, five in the pay of Connecticut, two of New-Hampshire, and three of Rhode-Island. The chief command was given to general Nicholson. On the 24th, the fleet and army arrived at Port Royal. The troops landed without opposition, and made an easy conquest. On the 21st of October, the engineers opened three batteries, of two mortars and twenty-four cohorns in the whole. At the same time, a bomb ship, called the Star bomb, plied the enemy with her shells. The next day Monsieur Subercase capitulated, surrendering the fort and country to the crown of Great-Britain.

General Nicholson left a sufficient garrison, under the command of colonel Vetch, his adjutant general, who had been appointed to the government of the country. In this expedition, the Mary gal-ley, commanded by captain Taye, a transport in the service of Con-necticut, ran aground, and was lost. Twenty-six men were drowned.1 Fourteen or fifteen were lost in the expedition, while the troops were investing and besieging the fort. This was the whole loss sustained in the enterprise. From this time the name was changed, and the port was named Annapolis Royal.

General Nicholson, animated with his late success, in the fall made a second voyage to England, to solicit another expedition against Canada.

The country in general had no expectations, that he would suc-ceed in his design. They could not imagine, that queen Anne's

1This transport was hired of one Mr. Vryling, of Boston, and the colony paid him about 1,000l. for the loss of his vessel.




tory ministry would attempt any thing of this nature for New-England. Contrary, however, to all expectation, the affair was re-sumed. June 8th, 1711, general Nicholson arrived, at Boston, with the news, that a fleet might soon be expected from England, and with her majesty's orders that the several governments of New-England, New-York, New-Jersey, and Pennsylvania should have their respective quotas in immediate readiness for the expe-dition.

Consequently a general meeting of the governors of the several colonies was immediately appointed at New-London. Sixteen days after the arrival of general Nicholson, the fleet arrived at Bos-ton. But it was very extraordinary that the fleet had neither pilots nor provisions. Ten weeks provisions were demanded for the army. It had been suspected before this, that the reduction of Canada was not really designed by the ministry. These circum-stances increased the suspicion. It was much doubted, whether, in the then state of the country, it were possible, in so short a time, as was necessary, to procure such a quantity of provisions, as had been demanded. There was, at the same time, a strong suspicion, that if the expedition should miscarry, it was designed to throw the whole blame upon New-England. Whether these suspicions were well grounded or not, it is certain, that they had great in-fluence, together with the zeal which the colonies had for the ser-vice, to draw forth their utmost exertions.

When the fleet arrived at Boston, the governors were met in convention, at New-London, concerting measures for prosecuting the expedition with the utmost harmony and dispatch. The gen-eral courts of Massachusetts and Connecticut were in actual ses-sion. The general assembly of Connecticut convened on the I9th of June. A letter was communicated from her majesty and an-other from general Nicholson respecting the expedition. The as-sembly resolved, that three hundred and sixty men should be raised forthwith, as the quota of this colony in the expedition. It was also resolved, that four months provisions should be immedi-ately procured, and that a suitable vessel should be provided to transport them to Albany, and to accommodate the sick and con-vey them back to Connecticut.

The assembly also addressed a letter to her majesty, returning her their most humble and dutiful acknowledgments, for that great expression of her royal care for her colonies and their peace and welfare, which she had manifested in the appointment of the present expedition against the common enemy. They particularly thanked her majesty for her royal bounty towards the colony, in furnishing the troops with clothing, arms, and ammunition, by which they were better enabled to bear the annual expenses of the war. They represented to her majesty, in a strong point of light, the horrible manner in which the enemy carried on the war; lying




in ambush, killing and scalping single persons, upon the frontiers, surprising and cutting off families, stealing captives, torturing and enslaving them. They promised a hearty concurrence with the royal requisitions, and a zealous performance of whatever might contribute to the success of the expedition.

To animate the general, and ingratiate themselves with him, the legislature appointed a committee to return him their thanks, for the good services he had rendered to her majesty's plantations in North America; and especially to Connecticut, in his former good conduct of the troops under his command. They thanked him, not only for his important services in the reduction of Port Royal and Nova-Scotia, but for the great pains he had taken since, in making a voyage to England, and representing to her majesty the true state and interest of the colonies, and by that means obtaining her orders for the then present expedition.

A punctual compliance with her majesty's orders was univer-sally recommended by the governors in convention and by the sev-eral legislatures. Not only the several colonies but individuals exerted themselves beyond what had been known upon any other occasion.

In a little more than a month, from the arrival of the fleet, the new levies and provisions, for that and the army, were ready. Upon the 30th of July, the whole armament sailed from Boston for Canada. It consisted of fifteen men of war, twelve directly from England, and three which had before been stationed in America; forty transports, six store ships, and a fine train of artillery, with all kinds of warlike stores. The land army on board consisted of five regiments from England and Flanders, and two regiments raised in Massachusetts, Rhode-Island, and New-Hampshire; amounting in the whole to nearly seven thousand men. The fleet was commanded by Sir Hovenden Walker; and the army by brigadier Hill, brother to Mrs. Masham, then the queen's favorite. The land force was about equal to that which, under general Wolfe, afterwards reduced Quebec, though, at that time, it was not half so strong, as when it was reduced by that famous general.

Upon the same day on which the fleet sailed from Boston, gen-eral Nicholson began his journey for Albany, where, a few days after, he appeared at the head of four thousand men, from the col-onies of Connecticut, New-York, and New-Jersey. The troops from Connecticut were commanded by colonel William Whiting, who was an experienced officer, and had commanded them the last year, at Port Royal. The New-York and New-Jersey troops were commanded by colonels Schuyler and Ingoldsby. Connect-icut, besides victualling its own troops, furnished New-York with two hundred fat cattle and six hundred sheep. Thus, in about five weeks, the colonies had raised two considerable armies and




furnished them with provisions. More than this could not have been expected.

Admiral Walker arrived in the mouth of the St. Lawrence, on the 14th of August. That he might not lose the company of the transports, as was pretended, he put into the bay of Gaspe, on the 18th, where he continued until the 20th of the month. On the 22d, two days after he sailed from the bay, the fleet appeared to be in the most hazardous circumstances. It was without soundings, with-out sight of land; the sky was darkened with a thick fog, and the wind high at east south-east. In this situation the ships brought to, with their heads to the southward. This was done with an ex-pectation that the wind would drive them into the midst of the channel. But instead of this, about midnight, the seamen dis-covered that they were driven upon the north shore among rocks and islands, upon the verge of a total shipwreck. Eight or nine of the British transports were cast away, on board of which were about seventeen hundred officers and soldiers. Nearly a thou-sand men were lost. The admiral and general were in the most imminent danger, and saved themselves by anchoring. Such was the violence of the storm that they lost several anchors. Upon this disaster, the admiral bore away for Spanish river bay; but the wind shifting to the east it was eight days before all the transports arrived. In the same time, as the wind was, they might have easily arrived at Quebec. It was there determined, by a council of land and naval officers, that as they had but ten weeks provision, and could not expect a supply from New-England, to make no further attempt. The admiral sailed directly for England, and ar-rived at Portsmouth on the 9th of October. Here the fleet suf-fered another surprising calamity. The Edgar, a 70 gun ship, blew up, having on board four hundred men, besides many persons who were just come on board to visit their friends. As the cause of this event was wholly unknown, jealous minds were not without suggestions, that even this, as well as the other disaster, was the effect of horrid design.

The admiral and English officers, to exculpate themselves, laid the blame wholly upon the colonies, that they were delayed so long for provision and the raising of the provincials, and that they had such unskilful pilots. The admiral declared, that it was the advice of the pilots that the fleet should come to in the manner it did, but the pilots, from New-England, declared, upon oath, that they gave no such advice. If any such was given it must have been by the French pilots on board, either through mistake or upon de-sign. Charlevoix represents, that the French pilots warned the admiral of his danger, but that he did not sufficiently regard them.

The whigs, in England, generally censured the ministry for their conduct respecting the expedition. Lord Harley represented the whole affair as a contrivance of Bolingbroke, More, and the Lord




Chancellor, Harcourt, to cheat the public out of twenty thousand pounds. Lord Harcourt was pleased to say, "No government was worth serving, that would not admit of such jobs." Another Eng-lish writer observes, "That if the ministry were sincere in the pros-ecution of the war, they were certainly the most consummate blunderers that ever undertook the government of a state."1

General Nicholson had not advanced far before he received in-telligence of the loss sustained by the fleet, and the army soon after returned.

The Marquis De Vaudreuil, governor of Canada, received in-telligence of the arrival of the fleet from England, and of the prep-arations making in the colonies for the invasion of Canada, and had omitted nothing in his power to put it into a state of defence. No sooner was he apprised of so many ships wrecked and so many bodies with red coats driven on shore, and that the river was clear of ships, than he ordered the whole strength of Canada towards Montreal and lake Champlain. At Chambly he formed a camp of three thousand men to oppose general Nicholson. Had the gen-eral crossed the lake, it might have been difficult for him to have returned in safety.

Very providential it was, that all the provincial transports, ex-cept a small victualler, were preserved. The crew of the victualler were saved, and not a provincial lost. The loss and disappoint-ment, nevertheless, were exceedingly grievous to the colonies. Many pious people, after so many attempts had been blasted, gave up all expectations of the conquest of Canada. They imagined it was not the design of providence, that this northern continent should ever wholly belong to any one nation.2

Upon the return of general Nicholson's army, and the report of Vaudreuil's force, the country were not only chagrined with dis-appointment, but alarmed with fear. They were apprehensive, that the enemy, in different parties, by different routes, would, with redoubled fury, harass and desolate the country.

To return to the affairs of Connecticut, the history of which has been in some measure interrupted with the general account of the war, it should be observed, that Joseph Talcott was this year chosen into the magistracy in the stead of Josiah Rossiter, Esq. An important alteration was also made, at the session in May, re-specting the superior court. Until this time, it had been holden at two places only, Hartford and New-Haven, and at two terms annually. This was found to be an affair of expense and incon-venience. It was therefore resolved, that the superior court should sit twice annually, in each of the counties, and that all ac-tions should be tried in the county in which they originated.

When the assembly met in October, an address was prepared to

1Rider's Hist. of England, vol. xxxii. p. 189, 190.

2Hutchinson, vol. ii. p. 193-196. Smith's Hist. of New-York, p. 130, 131




be presented to her majesty representing the exertions of the col-ony in her service, condoling her on the disappointment with re-spect to the expedition, and praying for the continuance of her favor to the colony.

At the session in May, 1708, the assembly made a grant of a township at a place called Pohtatuck, from a river of that name upon which part of it lies. At this session it was incorporated and named Newtown.

A township had been given, several years before this time, by Joshua, sachem of the Moheagans, lying north of Lebanon and west of Mansfield, to certain honorable legatees in Hartford. The donation was approved by the assembly. The legatees con-veyed their right to William Pitkin, Joseph Talcott, William Whit-ing, and Richard Lord, to be a committee to lay out said township and make settlements on the lands. On the 9th of May, 1706, the general assembly authorized those gentlemen to act as a commit-tee for those purposes. October 11th, 1711, this committee was re-appointed, with one Nathaniel Rust, who had already settled upon the lands, more effectually to carry into execution the design of their former appointment. The township, at the same session, was named Coventry. Nathaniel Rust and some others settled in the town about the year 1700; but the settlement of it has gener-ally been dated from 1709. In the spring of this year, a number of good householders, from Northampton and other places, moved into the town, and the inhabitants were so increased, in about two years, that they were incorporated with the privileges of other towns. The planters were from a great variety of places, but prin-cipally from Northampton and Hartford.

In consequence of letters from governor Dudley, of Boston, and from general Nicholson, relative to the unsuccessfulness of the late expedition, a special assembly was called, November 3d, 1711. The design of it was to consult the best means of acquainting her majesty truly how the affair was; what exertions the colonies had made, and that it was not through any fault of theirs that the enter-prise was frustrated. It was judged best, that the colonies should make a joint representation, and that the pilots should be sent to England, to be examined and declare before her majesty what they knew concerning the shipwreck. The assembly determined, that the affair was of great importance to the colonies; and that John Mayhew, of New-London, who was the only pilot from Con-necticut, should, forthwith, proceed to Great-Britain, with the pi-lots from Massachusetts. It was also resolved jointly, with the other colonies, to petition her majesty for another armament, in the spring, to assist them in the reduction of Canada. In the peti-tion from Connecticut, the legislature lamented the miscarriage of the expedition, and the fatal consequences of it to these colonies. They represented it would put them to great expense to employ




such a number of men as were necessary to defend such extensive frontiers as theirs were; and that, after all their exertions, one family and town after another would be swept away by the enemy. They expressed their apprehensions, that unless another expedi-tion should be undertaken against the enemy, they would, in the spring, send out a greater number of scalping and plundering parties, than they had done in the preceding years of the war; and that her majesty's subjects would be greatly distressed. It was also suggested, that there was danger that the enemy would draw off many of the Indians who dwelt among them, as well as the Indians of the Five Nations, and engage them against the colonies. It was also urged, that the colonies were of great importance to her majesty's interest, and that It would be impolitic to suffer the en-emy to possess so large a proportion of her majesty's dominions in North America, as they actually inhabited and claimed. It was insisted, that, by the smiles of providence on her majesty's arms, the settlements in Canada might be easily reduced to her majesty's obedience. They prayed her to revive the expedition, and prom-ised a cheerful obedience to her commands, in contributing their proportion to the common service.1

The petitions were sent over seasonably, and the pilots were a considerable time in London, waiting to be examined, and give in-formation, relative to the loss of the transports, and the miscar-riage of the expedition. However, no examination was ever made concerning the failure of the enterprise. It did not appear that much had been expected from it in England, nor that people were discontented at the issue, or interested themselves very greatly in the affair. The court shewed no disposition to make any further attempt upon Canada.

The election in 1712, made little or no alteration with respect to public officers. Nothing very material appears to have been trans-acted this year. The legislature made the usual provision for the defence of this colony and the county of Hampshire.

Nathan Gould, Esq. the deputy governor, was appointed chief judge of the superior court. William Pitkin, Richard Christo-pher, Peter Burr, and Samuel Eells, Esquires, were appointed as-sistant judges. In the absence of the deputy governor, William Pitkin was appointed chief judge; and in case either of the other judges were absent, any one of the magistrates was authorized to sit in his stead. Until this time, the judges of the superior court had been allowed nothing more than the fees of it. An act was, therefore, passed at the October session, that the judges, for the time being, upon laying their accounts before the assembly, should be allowed an honourable compensation for their expenses and services.

1Petition on file.




October 9th, the inhabitants of New-Milford were incorporated and vested with town privileges.1

At the election in May, 1713, Mr. John Sherman, who had been some time speaker of the lower house, was chosen into the mag-istracy.

In October, 1687, a grant of lands, commonly called the Mash-amoquet purchase, was made by the general assembly, to major James Fitch, lieutenant William Ruggles, Mr. John Gore, Mr. John Pierpont, Mr. John Chandler, Mr. Benjamin Sabin, Mr. Samuel Craft, Mr. John Grosvenor, Mr. Joseph Griffin, Mr. Sam-uel and John Ruggles, and Mr. Nathan Wilson. The most of these planters were from Roxbury, in Massachusetts. Some of them moved on to the lands in 1686, before the grant was made. At the session in May, 1713, the inhabitants were incorporated and vested with town privileges. The name was changed from Mash-amoquet to Pomfret.

In 1708, the assembly of Connecticut determined, that, unless the province of Massachusetts would accept of the terms which they had proposed, relative to the line between them, they would make application to her majesty, desiring that orders might be given, that Massachusetts forthwith should mutually join with Connecticut in running and settling the boundary line between the colonies. Massachusetts, at that time, would not consent to run the line as it had been proposed. They would not grant that there had been any mistake in running it; but if there had been, they insisted, that, as it was run so long before the charter was granted to Connecticut, and they had been in possession of the lands in controversy for sixty-six years, and several towns and plantations had been settled upon them, it was not then reason-able to draw it into question. The assembly of Connecticut, there-fore, in 1709, approved a letter, addressed to the lords of trade, giv-ing reasons why the line run by Woodward and Saffery ought not to be established; and it seems to have been the determination of the legislature to have appealed to her majesty with respect to the partition line; but several circumstances finally prevented. Gov-ernor Dudley, who was a man of uncommon intrigue and duplic-ity, had many friends and great influence at court. Connecticut had no such friends, or influence, with the court party. Sir Henry Ashurst, their agent for many years, appears now to have been no more; and they had not yet sufficient time to fix upon and have proof of the fidelity and ability of another in his place. The colony was poor, and had been put to great expense, in defending itself against the complaints of governor Dudley, lord Cornbury, and

1About this time, William Patridge, Esq. of Newbury, and Jonathan Belcher, of Boston, opened a copper mine at Simsbury; and for their encouragement, the assembly exempted the miners, operators, and labourers, from military duties, for the term of four years.




other enemies, and against the claims of Mason and his party. The ministry were high tories, and inimical to all charter govern-ments. The legislature were apprehensive that their enemies were again concerting measures to deprive them of all the privileges which they had so dearly bought. Massachusetts also, in some good measure, agreed to part of the terms proposed in 1708. It was, therefore, in full view of these circumstances, judged most expedient to make the best settlement which could be obtained, without an appeal to her majesty.

Upon the 13th of July, 1713, commissioners, fully empowered from each of the colonies, came to an agreement, which was adopted by each court. They were both careful to secure the property to the persons to whom they had made grants of lands, and to maintain the jurisdiction over the towns which they had re-spectively settled. It was, therefore, expressly stipulated, as a pre-liminary, that the towns should remain to the governments, by which they had been settled; and that the property of as many acres as should appear to be gained by one colony from the other, should be conveyed out of other unimproved land, as a satisfaction or equivalent. With respect to about two miles, claimed by Wind-sor upon the town of Suffield, concerning the validity of which there had been a long contest, it was agreed, that, if the tract fell within the line, it should belong to Connecticut.

On running the line, it was found, at Connecticut river, to run ninety rods north of the north-east bounds of Suffield; and it ap-peared that Massachusetts had encroached upon Connecticut 107-793 acres, running a due west line from Woodward's and Saffery's station. Massachusetts made a grant of such a quantity of land to Connecticut, and it was accepted as equivalent. The whole was sold, in sixteen shares, in 1716, for the sum of 683l. New-England currency.1 The money was applied to the use of the college.

Notwithstanding the long and expensive controversy of Con-necticut with the colony of Rhode-Island, relative to the Narra-ganset country, and notwithstanding the king's commissioners, and attornies of the greatest fame, determined, that the title was, undoubtedly, in the governor and company of this colony, yet it was judged expedient to give up the claim. Lands were of so lit-tle value, and controversies before king and council so expensive, and the event so uncertain, that the legislature determined rather to comply with governor Winthrop's and Clark's agreement, than to prolong the controversy. The court party, both in king Will­iam's and queen Anne's reign, appeared reluctant to establish the charter limits of Connecticut at Narraganset river and bay; other-

1This was a little more than a farthing per acre, and shows of what small value land was esteemed at that day. It affords, also, a striking demonstration, that, con-sidering the expense of purchasing them of the natives, and of defending them, they cost our ancestors five, if not ten times their value.




wise they would have advised to establish the judgment of the king's commissioners; and the king, or queen, would have adopted the same opinion, and established the boundary according to the charter. The court, probably, were influenced by political principles. The establishment of the eastern boundary of Con-necticut at Narraganset river and bay, would have ruined Rhode-Island, by reducing them to limits too small for a colony. Con-necticut was, doubtless, fully sensible of these dispositions of the sovereigns and court of Great-Britain, and it, probably, operated as a strong motive to induce them to give up their claim.

In October, 1702, a committee was appointed to make a com-plete settlement of the boundary line between the colonies, reserv-ing to all persons concerned, their entire property in lands and buildings, according to the agreement of governor Winthrop and Mr. Clark. On the 12th of May, 1703, the committees from the two colonies agreed, "That the middle channel of Pawcatuck river, alias Narraganset river, as it extends from the salt water up-wards, till it comes to the mouth of Ashaway river, where it falls into the said Pawcatuck river, and from thence to run a straight line till it meet with the south-west bounds or corner of Warwick grand purchase, which extends twenty miles due west from a cer-tain rock, lying at the outmost point of Warwick neck, which is the south-easterly bounds of said purchase; and from the said south-west bounds, or corner of said purchase, to run upon a due north line, till it meet with the south line of the province of Massa-chusetts Bay, in New-England: This to be, and for ever remain to be the fixed and stated line between the said colonies of Con-necticut and Rhode-Island. Always provided, and it is hereby in-tended, that nothing in the aforementioned agreement, or any clause thereof, shall be taken or deemed to be the breach or mak-ing void of the fourth article in the agreement made between the agents of the said colonies of Connecticut and Rhode-Island, viz. John Winthrop, Esq. and Mr. Daniel Clark, for maintaining prop-erty, dated April 7th, 1663, but that the same shall be kept and justly performed, according to the true intent and meaning there-of; and that all former grants and purchases, granted by, or made within either of the colonies, and all other ancient grants con-firmed by the authority of Connecticut colony within the township of Westerly, in the colony of Rhode-Island, shall be duly pre-served and maintained, as fully and amply, to all intents and pur-poses, as if they were lying or continued within the bounds of the colony, by the authority of which it was granted or purchased."1

Notwithstanding this agreement, Rhode-Island, about this time, disowned its authenticity, pretending that their commis-sioners were not empowered to conclude fully and finally upon

1Agreement on file, signed with the hands of the commissioners, and sealed with nine seals.




such settlement. The cause was heard by the king in council, some years after, and decided according to the agreement of the commissioners as stated above.

September 27th, 1728, the line was finally ascertained and dis-tinguished by proper monuments and boundaries. Roger Wol-cott, James Wadsworth, and Daniel Palmer, on the part of Con-necticut, and William Wanton, Benjamin Ellery, and William Jenks, in behalf of Rhode-Island, were the committees for the running and final fixing of the line.

No colony, perhaps, had ever a better right to the lands com-prised in its original patent than Connecticut, yet none has been more unfortunate with respect to the loss of territory. King Charles the second, in favor of his brother the duke of York, granted a great part of the lands contained within its original limits to him, and the legislature, for fear of offending those royal per-sonages and losing their charter, gave up Long-Island and agreed to the settlement of the boundary line with the king's commission-ers. For the reasons which have been suggested they lost a con-siderable tract on the north and on the east. Indeed, considering the enemies and difficulties with which they had to combat, it is admirable that they retained so much territory, and so nobly de-fended their just rights and liberties.

The peace of Utrecht was signed by the plenipotentiaries of Great-Britain and France, March 30th, 1713. Official accounts of the pacification and orders for immediately proclaiming the peace were received by the governor of Connecticut, on the 22d of Au-gust. The governor having called together the deputy governor and council, they, on the 26th, made a formal proclamation of peace between the two nations.

Upon the pacification with France, the Indians buried the hatchet, and peace, with her olive branch, once more gladdened the colonies.

Connecticut had not been less fortunate in this, than in former wars. A single town had not been lost, nor had any considerable number of the inhabitants fallen by the hands of the enemy. In Philip's, king William's, and queen Anne's wars, Connecticut lost only the buildings and part of the effects of one town. The in-habitants of Simsbury, when consisting of about forty families, as the tradition is, supposing themselves in danger of a surprise, by the enemy, buried a considerable part of their effects, and gener-ally removed back to Windsor. The enemy, finding the town nearly deserted, fell upon it, burned the buildings, and captivated several of the inhabitants. When the people moved back, such an alteration had been made, by the burning of the buildings and the growth of weeds and bushes, that the particular spot in which they had buried their effects, could not be found, and they were never recovered. This, most probably, was in the spring of 1676, when




the Narraganset and other Indians appeared in strong parties upon the river above.

The expense of this war was very considerable. Some years the colony paid a tax of about seven pence and eight pence on the pound, on the whole list of the colony. Besides, it was found necessary to emit, at several times, from June, 1709, to October, 1713, 33,500l. in bills of credit. Provision had been made, by acts of assembly, for the calling in of the whole, within the term of about seven years from the termination of the war. Twenty thou­sand pounds only were in circulation in October, 1713. The emis­sions were all in the same form, and, by a law of the colony, the bills of each were to be received, in all payments at the treasury, at five per cent. better than money, or more than expressed on the face of; the bill. In all other payments, it was enacted, that they should be received as money. So small was the sum, and such was the advance at which the bills were received at the treasury, that they appear to have suffered little or no depreciation. As some of the small bills had been altered, and the sum expressed made greater than in the original ones, the assembly passed an act for calling them all in, and emitting 20,000l. in new bills, which the treasurer was directed to issue.

After pursuing the history of the colony nearly eighty years, from the commencement of its first settlements, it appears, that, notwithstanding the many wars, numerous hardships, and diffi­culties, which it had almost continually to combat, its progress in numbers, plantations, husbandry, wealth, and commerce, were considerable.

Within the colony, and under its jurisdiction, were thirty-eight taxable towns, and forty sent deputies.




It was customary with the assembly, from the first settlement of the colony, to release the infant towns two, three, or four years, at first, from all taxes to the commonwealth; and especially this was the universal practice, while they were building meeting-houses and settling ministers. For these reasons, the eight towns marked with asterisks, at this time, appear to have been released from pub-lic taxation.

Attempts had been made for the settlement of Ashford; two families moved on to the lands in 1710, and began settlements, but it was not incorporated until October, 1714. The assembly had, also, appointed committees, and passed several acts respecting the settlement of New Fairfield, but it does not appear to have been incorporated at this time. Exclusive of the towns on Long-Island, and some others in New-York, and the town of Westerly, in Rhode-Island, Connecticut had settled forty-five towns under its own jurisdiction. Forty of them sent deputies. The house of representatives, when full, consisted of eighty members.

The grand list of the colony was 281,083l. The militia consisted of a regiment in each county, and amounted to nearly four thou-sand effective men. The number of inhabitants was about seven-teen thousand.1

The shipping consisted of two brigantines, about twenty sloops, and some other small vessels. The number of seamen did not ex-ceed a hundred and twenty.

There were three considerable towns in the colony under the government of Massachusetts, Suffield, Enfield, and Woodstock. Suffield and Enfield were part of Springfield, which was purchased by Mr. Pyncheon and his company, of the natives, the original proprietors of the soil. This township, like Windsor, was of great extent. At first it was supposed to belong to Connecticut, and it always would have done had not the boundary line been fixed con-trary to the expectations of the first planters. In 1670, a grant of Suffield was made to major John Pyncheon, Mr. Elizur Holyoke, Mr. Thomas Cooper, Mr. Benjamin Cooly, George Cotton, and Rowland Thomas, by the general court of Massachusetts, as a

1This estimate is called "far wrong" by Palfrey, who places the number at over 23,000, based on the official returns of the number of taxable males in 1709, or five years earlier.-J. T.




committee to lay it out and plant a township. And about that time it was settled, and incorporated with town privileges.

Enfield was settled by people from Massachusetts, about the year 1681. A grant of the township, which is six miles square, was made to several planters about two years before. The planters came on with numbers and strength. They brought with them two young gentlemen, one Mr. Whittington for a schoolmaster, and Mr. Welch, a candidate for the ministry, to be their preacher. In the year 1769, the number of families in the town was 214, and the number of inhabitants was 1,380. The town was named after one of the same name in England.1

Courts in Connecticut.

The general court, or assembly, in May and October. The ses-sions at this period, generally, did not exceed ten or twelve days. The expense of government was very inconsiderable. The ex-pense of the two sessions annually hardly amounted to 400 pounds. The salary of the governor was 200 pounds, and that of the deputy governor fifty pounds. The whole expense of govern-ment, probably did not exceed eight hundred pounds annually.2

The Superior court, which was made circular in 1711. At the May session, 1711, it was enacted, that there should be one superior court of judicature over the whole colony: That this court should be holden annually, within and for the county of Hartford on the third Tuesdays in March and September: With-in and for the county of New-Haven on the second Tuesdays in March and September: Within and for the county of Fairfield, at Fairfield, on the first Tuesdays in March and September; and within and for the county of New-London on the fourth Tuesdays in said months.

This court consisted of one chief judge and four other judges, three of whom made a quorum. The judges of the court were all magistrates. William Pitkin, Esq. was chief judge. Richard Christopher, Peter Burr, Samuel Eells, and John Haynes, Es-quires, were assistant judges. The wages of the chief judge were ten shillings a day, while on the public service. The other judges were allowed the fees, by law, payable to the bench.

The inferior, or county courts. At the session in May, 1665, counties were first made. From that time each county had a court of its own. This, after a few years, from its first institution, con-sisted of a chief judge and four justices of the quorum. The busi-ness of these courts has been already sufficiently noticed.

In each county there was a court of probates, consisting of one judge and a clerk. In this all testamentary affairs were managed. From this court appeals might be had to the county court. One

1With respect to Woodstock there are no records or minutes.

2The expense of government in Connecticut did not generally amount to the salary of a king's governor.




of the magistrates of the county was commonly judge of this court. It met frequently, business was done with ease and dispatch, and with little expense to the fatherless and widow.

The manufactures of Connecticut at this time, were very incon-siderable. There was but one clothier in the colony. The most he could do was to full the cloth which was made. A great propor-tion of it was worn without shearing or pressing.1

The trade of the colony was not considerable. Its foreign com-merce was indeed next to nothing. The only articles exported di-rectly from it to Great-Britain were turpentine, pitch, tar, and fur. But these more generally were sent directly to Boston or New-York, and were traded for such European goods as were con-sumed in the colony. Its principal trade was with Boston, New-York, and the West-Indies. To the two former the merchants traded in the produce of the colony, wheat, rye, barley, indian corn, peas, pork, beef, and fat cattle.

To the West-Indies the merchants exported horses, staves, hoops, pork, beef, and cattle. In return they received rum, sugar, molasses, cotton wool, bills of exchange, and sometimes small sums of money. But little more was imported, than was found necessary for home consumption.

At this period there was not a printer in the colony. For this reason a great proportion of the laws were only in manuscript. The assembly had now desired the governor and council to pro-cure a printer to settle in the colony. It was determined soon to revise and print the laws which made the assembly more urgent in the affair at that time. The council obtained Mr. Timothy Green, a descendant of Mr. Samuel Green of Cambridge in Massachu-setts, the first printer in North-America. The assembly for his en-couragement agreed that he should be printer to the governor and company and that he should have fifty pounds, the salary of the deputy governor, annually. He was obliged to print the election sermons, the proclamations for fasts and thanksgivings, and laws which were enacted at the several sessions of the assembly. In 1714, he came into Connecticut, and fixed his residence at New-London. He and his descendants were, for a great number of years, printers to the governor and company of Connecticut.2 At the period to which the history is brought down, almost all that part of the colony on the east side of Connecticut was settled. Ashford, Tolland, Stafford, Bolton, and two or three other towns have been settled in that part of the colony, and the greatest part of the county of Litchfield since. The settlement of these has been attended with little difficulty in comparison with what was experi-enced in the planting and defending of the former.

1Answer to questions from the lords of trade and plantations, 1710.

2The first printer in this colony was Thomas Short. He was recommended to the colony by Mr. Green. He came to New-London about the year 1709. In 1710, he printed Saybrook Platform, and soon after died.




Who can contemplate the hardships, labors, and dangers of our ancestors, their self-denial, magnanimity, firmness, and persever-ance, in defending their just rights, and the great expense, though they were poor, at which they maintained and transmitted the fairest inheritance to us, and not highly esteem and venerate their characters? If they had some imperfections, yet had they not more excellencies, and did they not effect greater things, for them-selves and posterity, than men have generally done? Is it possi-ble to review; the sufferings, dangers, expense of blood and treas-ure, with which our invaluable liberties, civil and religious, have been transmitted to us, and not to esteem them precious? Not most vigilantly and vigorously defend them? Shall we not at all hazards, maintain and perpetuate them? Can we contemplate the sobriety, wisdom, integrity, industry, economy, public spirit, peaceableness, good order, and other virtues, by which this repub-lic hath arisen from the smallest beginnings, to its present strength, opulence, beauty and respectability, and not admire those virtues? Not be convinced of their high importance to so-ciety? Shall we not make them our own? And by the constant practice of them, hand down our distinguished liberties, dignity, and happiness,