ALTHOUGH the conquest of the Pequots extended the claim of Connecticut to a great proportion of the lands in the settled part of the colony, yet, to remove all grounds of complaint or uneasiness, the English planters made fair purchases of almost the whole tract of country within the settled part of Connecticut.

After the conquest of the Pequots, in consequence of the cov-enant made with Uncas, in 1638, and the gift of a hundred Pe-quots to him, he became important. A considerable number of Indians collected to him, so that he became one of the principal sachems in Connecticut, and even in New-England. At some times he was able to raise four or five hundred warriors. As the Pequots were now conquered, and as he assisted in the conquest, and was a Pequot himself, he laid claim to all that extensive tract called the Moheagan or Pequot country. Indeed, it seems he claimed, and was allowed to sell some part of that tract which was the principal seat of the Pequots. The sachems in other parts of Connecticut, who had been conquered by the Pequots, and made their allies, or tributaries, considered themselves, by the conquest of this haughty nation, as restored to their former rights. They claimed to be independent sovereigns, and to have a title to all the lands which they had at any time before possessed. The plan-ters therefore, to show their justice to the heathen, and to main-tain the peace of the country, from time to time, purchased of the respective sachems and their Indians, all the lands which they settled, excepting the towns of New-London, Groton and Ston-ington, which were considered as the peculiar seat of the Pequot nation. The inhabitants of Windsor, Hartford, and Weathers-field, either at the time of their settlement, or soon after, bought all those extensive tracts, which they settled, of the native, orig-inal proprietors of the country. Indeed, Connecticut planters generally made repeated purchases of their lands. The colony not only bought the Moheagan country of Uncas, but afterwards all the particular towns were purchased again, either of him or his successors, when the settlements in them commenced. Be-sides, the colony was often obliged to renew its leagues with Uncas and his successors, the Moheagan sachems; and to make new presents and take new deeds, to keep friendship with the Indians and preserve the peace of the country. The colony was obliged to defend Uncas from his enemies, which was an occasion of no small trouble and expense. The laws obliged the inhabitants of the several towns to reserve unto the natives a sufficient quantity of planting ground. They were allowed to hunt and fish upon all the lands no less than the English.




The colonies made laws for their protection from insult, fraud and violence.1 The inhabitants suffered them to erect wigwams, and to live on the very lands which they had purchased of them; and to cut their fire wood on their uninclosed lands, for more than a whole century, after the settlements began. The lands, therefore, though really worth nothing at that time, cost the planters very considerable sums, besides the purchase of their patents and the right of pre-emption.

In purchasing the lands and making settlements, in a wilder-ness, the first planters of Connecticut expended great estates. It has been the opinion of the best judges, who have had the most perfect acquaintance with the ancient affairs of the colony, that many of the adventurers expended more, in making settlements in Connecticut, than all the lands and buildings were worth, after all the improvements which they had made upon them.2

At the general election in Connecticut, this year, Mr. Hopkins was chosen governor, and Mr. Haynes deputy governor. Mr. Ludlow was chosen magistrate in the place of Mr. Hopkins. The other magistrates were the same who were elected the last year. The same governor, deputy governor and magistrates, who were in office, at New-Haven, the last year, were re-elected for this.

As the colonists, both in Connecticut and New-Haven, were the patentees of Lord Say and Seal, Lord Brook and the other gentle-men interested in the old Connecticut patent,3 and as that patent covered a large tract of country, both colonies were desirous of securing the native title to the lands, with all convenient dispatch, Several large purchases were made this year both by Connecticut and New-Haven.

Connecticut made presents to Uncas, the Moheagan sachem, to his satisfaction, and on the 1st of September 1640, obtained of him a clear and ample deed of all his lands in Connecticut, except the lands which were then planted. These he reserved for himself and the Moheagans.

The same year, governor Haynes, in behalf of Hartford, made a purchase of Tunxis, including the towns of Farmington and Southington, and extending westward as far as the Mohawk country.

The people of Connecticut, about the same time, purchased Waranoke and soon began a plantation there, since called West-field. Governor Hopkins erected a trading house and had a con-siderable interest in the plantation.

1These facts are fully ascertained by the records of the colonies, and of the re-spective towns.

2This was the general opinion among men of extensive knowledge, in Massa-chusetts, as well as in Connecticut. Governor Hutchinson, in a manuscript which he wrote against the stamp act, observed, that land in New-England, at the time of its settlement, was of no value.

3See note, p.10




Mr. Ludlow made a purchase of the eastern part of Norwalk, between Saugatuck and Norwalk rivers. Captain Patrick bought the middle part of the town. A few families seem to have planted themselves in the town about the time of these purchases, but it was not properly settled until about the year 1651. The planters then made a purchase of the western part of the town.1

About the same time Robert Feaks and Daniel Patrick bought Greenwich. The purchase was made in behalf of New-Haven, but through the intrigue of the Dutch governor, and the treachery of the purchasers, the first inhabitants revolted to the Dutch. They were incorporated and vested with town privileges by Peter Stuyvesant, governor of New-Netherlands. The inhabitants were driven off by the Indians, in their war with the Dutch; and made no great progress in the settlement until after Connecticut ob-tained the charter, and they were taken under the jurisdiction of this colony.

Captain Howe and other Englishmen, in behalf of Connecti-cut,2 purchased a large tract of the Indians, the original proprie-tors, on Long-Island. This tract extended from the eastern part of Oyster bay to the western part of Howe's or Holmes's bay to the middle of the great plain. It lay on the northern part of the island and extended southward about half its breadth. Settle-ments were immediately begun upon the lands; and by the year 1642, had made considerable advancement.

New-Haven made a purchase of all the lands at Rippowams. This purchase was made of Ponus and Toquamske, the two sa-chems of that tract, which contained the whole town of Stamford. A reservation of planting ground was made for the Indians.3

Another large purchase, sufficient for a number of plantations, was made by captain Turner, agent for New-Haven, on both sides of Delaware bay or river. This purchase was made with a view to trade, and for the settlement of churches in gospel order and purity. The colony of New-Haven erected trading houses upon the lands, and sent nearly fifty families to make settlements upon them. The settlements were made under the jurisdiction of New-Haven, and in close combination with that colony in all their fundamental articles.

It also appears, that New-Haven, or their confederates, pur-chased and settled Yennycock, Southhold, on Long-Island. Mr, John Youngs, who had been a minister at Hingham in England,

1The first purchases were of the sachem, Mamechimoh. Mr. Ludlow's deed bears date Feb. 26th, 1640, and Capt. Patrick's April 20th, 1640. The western purchase was of a sachem called Buckingheage. It hence appears that there were two sachems in this town.

2Savage takes occasion to call this statement inaccurate, inasmuch as the settle-ment was made by an agent of Lord Sterling, from Lynn, Mass. The main facts as stated by Trumbull follow Winthrop's Journal closely.-J. T.

3The purchase was made by captain Nathaniel Turner, agent for New-Haven It cost about thirty pounds sterling.




came over, with a considerable part of his church, and here fixed his residence. He gathered his church anew, on the 21st of Oc-tober, and the planters united themselves with New-Haven. However, they soon departed from the rule of appointing none to office, or of admitting none to be freemen, but members of the church. New-Haven insisted on this as a fundamental article of their constitution. They were, therefore, for a number of years, obliged to conform to this law of the jurisdiction. Some of the principal men were the Reverend Mr. Youngs, Mr. William Wells, Mr. Barnabas Horton, Thomas Mapes, John Tuthill and Matthias Corwin.

Laws were enacted, both by Connecticut and New-Haven, pro-hibiting all purchases of the Indians, by private persons, or com-panies, without the consent of their respective general courts. These were to authorize and direct the manner of every purchase.

The general court, at New-Haven, this year, made a grant of Totoket to Mr. Samuel Eaton, brother of governor Eaton, upon condition of his procuring a number of his friends, from England, to make a settlement in that tract of country.

At this court it was decreed, that the plantation at Quinnipiack should be called New-Haven.

At the general election, April 6, 1641, at Hartford, John Haynes, Esq. was chosen governor, and George Wyllys, Esq. deputy gov-ernor. Mr. Hopkins was chosen magistrate, and the other prin-cipal officers were re-elected.

The brethren of the church at Weathersfield removed without their pastor, the Rev. Mr. Phillips; and, having no settled min-ister at first, fell into unhappy contentions and animosities. These continued for a number of years, and divided the inhabitants of the town, as well as the brethren of the church. They were the means of scattering the inhabitants, and of the formation of new settlements and churches in other places. Great pains were taken, by the ministers on the river, to compose the differences and unite the church and town; but they were unable to effect an union. Mr. Davenport and some of the brethren of the church at New-Haven were sent for, to advise and attempt a reconcilia-tion. Mr. Davenport and his brethren gave advice somewhat different from that which had been given by the ministers and churches on the river; and, it seems, suggested the expediency of one of the parties removing and making a new settlement, if they could not by any means be united among themselves. Some were pleased with the advice, others disliked it, and the parties could not agree which of them should remove. The church, which consisted of seven members only, was divided three against four. The three claimed to be the church, and therefore pleaded, that they ought not to remove. The four, as they were the majority, insisted that it was their right to stay.




The church at Watertown, as they had not dismissed their brethren, at Weathersfield, from their watch, judged it their duty to make them a visit, and to attempt to heal the divisions which had sprung up among them. For this benevolent purpose, sev-eral of the brethren made a journey to Connecticut; but they succeeded no better in their endeavours, than those who had been before them. It now appeared to be the opinion, that it was ex-pedient for one of the parties to remove, but it could not be agreed which of them should be obliged again to make a new settlement. At length a number of principal men, who were the most pleased with the advice of Mr. Davenport and the New-Haven brethren, and to whom the government of that colony was most agreeable, determined to remove, and settle in combination with New-Haven.

Therefore, on the 30th of October, 1640, Mr. Andrew Ward and Mr. Robert Coe of Weathersfield, in behalf of themselves and about twenty other planters, purchased Rippowams of New-Haven. The whole number obliged themselves to remove, with their families, the next year, before the last of November. This spring the settlement commenced. The principal planters were the Rev. Mr. Richard Denton, Mr. Matthew Mitchel, Mr. Thurs-ton Rayner, Mr. Andrew Ward, Mr. Robert Coe, and Mr. Rich-ard Gildersleve. Mr. Denton was among the first planters of the town, and continued their minister about three or four years. After that time he removed with part of his church and congre-gation to Hempsted. They settled that town about the year 1643 or 1644.

At the general election, October 27, 1641, in New-Haven, The-ophilus Eaton, Esq. was chosen governor, and Mr. Stephen Good-year, deputy governor. The magistrates were Mr. Gregson, Mr. Robert Newman, Mr. Matthew Gilbert and Mr. Wakeman. Thomas Fugill was appointed secretary, and Mr. Gregson treas-urer.

Upon the general election, this year, at Hartford, there was a considerable change, with respect to civil officers. George Wyl-lys, Esq. was elected governor, and Roger Ludlow, Esq. deputy governor. Eight magistrates were chosen for Connecticut. This is the first instance of more than six. The magistrates were John Haynes, Esq. Mr. Phelps, Mr. Webster, captain Mason, Mr. Wells, Mr. Whiting, Edward Hopkins, Esq. and Mr. William Hopkins.

The Indians were exceedingly troublesome this year. It was suspected, that they were forming a combination for a general war. All trading with them, in arms or any instruments of iron, was expressly prohibited, both by Connecticut and New-Haven. Each colony concerted all measures of defence. A constant watch was kept in all the plantations. Upon the sabbath a strong guard was set at the places of public worship.




At this court, the magistrates were desired to write to the Dutch, and, as far as possible, to prevent their vending arms and ammunition to the natives, and to settle all disputes between them and the colony with respect to claims. But notwithstanding all their endeavours, the Dutch behaved with great insolence, and did much damage to both the English colonies.

The Dutch, at Hartford, gave entertainment to fugitives from the English; helped them when confined to file off their irons; and persuaded servants to run from their masters and then gave them entertainment. They purchased goods which had been stolen from the English, and would not return them. They also assisted criminals in breaking gaol.

Besides these misdemeanors, at Hartford, the Dutch governor, William Kieft, caused the English settlements on Long-Island, which had now advanced, on the lands purchased by captain Howe, as far as Oyster bay, to be broken up. Some of the Eng-lish planters were forcibly seized and imprisoned, and others driven from their settlements. These were injuries done to Con-necticut.

To the colony of New-Haven the Dutch were still more hostile and injurious. Notwithstanding the fair purchases which that colony had made, by their agents at Delaware, governor Kieft, without any legal protest or warning, dispatched an armed force, and with great hostility, burned the English trading houses, vio-lently seized and for a time detained their goods, and would not give them time to take an inventory of them. The Dutch also took the company's boat, and a number of the English planters, and kept them as prisoners. The damages done the English at Delaware, were estimated at a thousand pounds sterling.1

The same year the Swedish governor2 and Dutch agent uniting in a crafty design against Mr. Lamberton, a principal gentleman of New-Haven, made an injurious attempt upon his life. They accused him of having joined in a plot with the Indians to cut off the Swedes and Dutch. They attempted, by giving his men strong drink, and by threatenings and allurements, to influence them to bear testimony against him. They proceeded so far as to imprison and try him for treason. When, notwithstanding these unfair means, and that they were both his accusers and judges, they could not find any evidence against him, they arbi-trarily imposed a fine upon him, for trading at Delaware, though within the limits of the purchase and jurisdiction of New-Haven.

At another time, when Mr. Lamberton was occasionally at Manhatoes, in the capacity of an agent for New-Haven, the Dutch

1Records of the united colonies, and Smith's history of New-York, p. 4.

2John Printz. The plot against Lamberton must have been in 1643, a year later than our author places it. See deposition of John Thickpenny, in New-Haven Col-onial Records, It 97. From this it appears that the Dutch agent was not an accom-plice in this plot.-J. T.




governor, Kieft, by force and threatenings, compelled him to give an account of all his beaver, within the limits of New-Haven, at Delaware, and to pay an impost upon the whole. The Dutch did other damages, and insulted the English in various other in-stances. Both Connecticut and New-Haven, from year to year, complained and remonstrated against them, but could obtain no redress.

While the colonies were increasing in numbers and settlements, progress in law and jurisprudence, in the regular establishment of courts and the times of their sessions, was also necessary, for the advancement, order and happiness of the respective jurisdic-tions.

This, so far as the numerous affairs of the colonies would per-mit, was an object of special attention. The capital laws of Con-necticut were, this year, nearly completed, and put upon record. The several passages of scripture on which they were founded were particularly noticed in the statute. They were twelve in number, and to the following effect.

If any man or woman shall have or worship any God, but the true God, he shall be put to death. Deut. xiii. 6. xvii. 21. Ex-odus xxii. 2.

If any person in this colony shall blaspheme the name of God the Father, Son or Holy Ghost, with direct, express, presump-tuous or high-handed blasphemy, or shall curse in like manner, he shall be put to death. Levit. xxiv. 15, 16.

If any man or woman be a witch, that is, hath or consulteth with a familiar spirit, they shall be put to death. Exodus xxii. 18. Levit. xx. 22. Deut. xviii. 10, II.

If any person shall commit wilful murder, upon malice, hatred or cruelty, not in a man's own defence, nor by casualty against his will, he shall be put to death. Exodus xxi. 12, 13, 14. Numb. xxxv. 30, 31.

If any person shall slay another through guile, either by poison-ing, or other such devilish practices, he shall be put to death. Exodus xxi. 14.

If any man or woman shall lie with any beast or brute creature, by carnal copulation, they shall surely be put to death, and the beast shall be slain and buried. Leviticus xx. 15, 16.

If any man lieth with mankind, as he lieth with a woman, both of them have committed abomination; they both shall surely be put to death, except it appear that one of the parties was forced, or under fifteen years of age. Levit. xx. 13.

If any man lie with his mother, or father's wife, or wife's mother, his daughter, or daughter in law, having carnal copulation with them, both of them have committed abomination; they shall be put to death, except it appear, that the woman was forced, or under fourteen years of age. Levit. xx. II, 12, 14, and xviii. 7, 8.




If any man shall forcibly ravish any maid, or woman, by carnal copulation, against her consent, he shall be put to death, provided prosecution and complaint be made forthwith upon the rape. Deut. xxii. 25.

If any man steal a man, or mankind, and selleth him, or he be found in his hand, he shall be put to death. Exodus xxi. 16.

If any person rise up by false witness, wittingly, and of pur-pose, to take away man's life, he or she shall be put to death. Deut. xix. 16, 18, 19.

It was also enacted, that if any person should conspire against the commonwealth, attempt an insurrection, invasion, or rebellion against it, he should be put to death.

Wilful arson, the cursing and smiting of father or mother, and notorious stubbornness in children, after a certain age, were, soon after, made capital offences, by the laws of the colony, and added to the list of the capital laws.1

Before this time, unchastity between single persons, and wan-ton behaviour, had been punished with whipping at the tail of the cart, by fining, or obliging the delinquents to marry, at the discretion of the particular courts.

The general court approved of what the particular courts had done, in these cases, and authorised them, in future, to punish such delinquents by fines, by committing them to the house of correction, or by corporal punishment, at the discretion of the court.

As some loose persons deserted the English settlements, and lived in a profane, heathenish manner, a law was enacted, that all persons who should be convicted of this crime, should be pun-ished with three years imprisonment, at least, in the house of correction, with fine, or corporal punishment, as the particular court should direct.2

At a general court in New-Haven, April 5, 1643, considerable progress was made in the laws and government of that colony. Deputies were admitted to the court, and an addition was made to the number of magistrates. Stamford, for the first time, sent captain John Underhill, and Mr. Richard Gildersleve, to represent the town. Mr. Mitchel and Mr. Rayner were nominated for mag-istrates in Stamford. Mr. Rayner was appointed by the court. Captain Underhill, Mr. Mitchel, Mr. Andrew Ward, and Mr. Rob-ert Coe were appointed assistant judges to Mr. Rayner. This court was vested with the same powers as the court at New-Haven, and was the first instituted in Stamford. Mr. William Leet and Mr. Desborough were admitted magistrates for Menun-katuck, and that plantation was named Guilford.

1Records of Connecticut, and the old Connecticut code.

2Records of Connecticut. When the Connecticut laws were printed, in 1672, this law was altered, and the term reduced from three, to one year's imprisonment.




This year John Haynes, Esq. was elected governor, and Mr. Hopkins deputy governor. Mr, Wolcott and Mr. Swain were chosen magistrates; and Mr. Phelps and Mr. William Hopkins were not elected.1 Mr. Whiting was chosen treasurer and Mr. Wells secretary. It appears to have been customary, for a num-ber of years, to choose the secretary and treasurer among the magistrates.

Juries appear to have attended the particular courts, in Con-necticut, from their first institution. They seem to have been regularly enrolled about the year 1641, or 1642. But the partic-ular courts found great difficulties with respect to their proceed-ings. There were no printed laws for the inhabitants to study, and many of the common people had attended very little to law and evidence. The jury therefore, very often, would be so di-vided, that they could not agree upon any verdict; and when they were agreed, it did not always appear to the court that they brought in a just one. A pretty extraordinary law therefore passed this court, regulating the juries. The court decreed, that the jury should attend diligently to the case, and to the evidence, and if they could not all agree in a verdict, they should offer their reasons upon the case to the court, and the court should answer them, and send out the jury again. If, after deliberating upon the case, they could not bring in a joint verdict, it was decreed; that it should be determined by a major vote; and that this should, to all intents and purposes, be deemed a full and sufficient ver-dict; upon which judgment should be entered, and execution, and all other proceedings should be as though there had been a joint verdict of the jury. It was also provided, that if the jury should be equally divided, six and six, they should represent the case to the court, with their reasons, and a special verdict should be drawn, and a major vote of the court, or magistrates, should determine the cause, and all matters respecting it should be as though there had been a joint verdict of the jury.2

At this court, it was ordained, that a grand jury of twelve men should attend the particular courts, annually, in May and Sep-tember, and as often as the governor and court should judge ex-pedient. It was also enacted, that the grand jury should be warned to give their attendance. This is the first notice of a grand jury, at any court.

A general confederation of the New-England colonies, had been proposed, and in agitation for several years. In 1638, ar-ticles of union, for amity, offence and defence, mutual advice and assistance, upon all necessary occasions, were drawn, and for

1Mr. Phelps, I suppose, was now dead, as he appears no more upon the rec-ords. He was one of the principal planters of Windsor, and chosen into the mag-istracy from the first settlement of Connecticut. He appears to have been the an-cestor of the Phelpses in this state.

2Records of Connecticut.




further consideration, referred to 1639. Connecticut and Mr. Fenwiek agreed to confederate for these purposes. From this time, Connecticut had annually appointed some of her principal men, to go into the Massachusetts, to complete the designed con-federacy. Governor Haynes and Mr. Hooker, in 1639, were nearly a month in Massachusetts, laboring to carry it into effect. New-Haven paid equal attention to an affair so important to the colonies. The circumstances of the English nation, and the state of the colonies in New-England, at this time, made it a matter of urgent necessity. For the accommodation of particular com-panies, the colonies had extended their settlements upon the rivers and sea coasts much farther, and had made them in a more scattering manner, than was at first designed. No aid could be expected from the parent country, let emergencies be ever so pressing. The Dutch had so extended their claims, and were so powerful and hostile, as to afford a just ground of general alarm. All the plantations were compassed with numerous tribes of sav-age men. The Narragansets appeared hostile, and there were the appearances of a general combination, among the Indians, in New-England, to extirpate the English colonies. There were, notwithstanding, impediments in the way of effecting even so nec-essary and Important an union. The Massachusetts was much more numerous and powerful, than the other colonies. It was in various respects more respectable and important. It was, therefore, a matter of difficulty, to form an union upon equal terms. The other colonies were not willing to unite upon such as were unequal. There were also disputes between Connecticut and Massachusetts. The colony of Massachusetts claimed part of the Peqttot country, on the account of the assistance which they afforded in the Pequot war. There was also a difference with respect to the boundary line between Massachusetts and Connecticut. Both colonies claimed the towns of Springfield and Westfield. These difficulties retarded the union.

However, Connecticut, New-Haven, and Plymouth, all dis-patched commissioners to Boston, in May, at the time of the session of the General Court. The commissioners from Connecti-cut were, Governor Haynes and Mr. Hopkins; Mr. Fenwiek, from Saybrook; Governor Eaton and Mr. Gregson, from New-Haven; Mr. Winslow and Mr. Collier, from Plymouth. The general court of Massachusetts appointed Governor Winthrop, Mr. Dudley, and Mr. Bradstreet, of the magistrates, and of the deputies, Mr. Hawthorne, Mr. Gibbons, and Mr. Tyng. There appeared, at this time, a spirit of harmony and mutual conde-scension among the commissioners, and on the I9th of May, 1643, the articles were completed and signed. The commissioners were unanimous adopting them; but those from Plymouth did not sign them, as they had not been authorised by the court. At the




meeting of the commissioners in September, they came vested with plenary powers, and signed them.

The commissioners, in the introductory part, declare, with re-spect to the four colonies of Massachusetts, Plymouth, Connecti-cut, and New-Haven, and the plantations under their respective jurisdictions, that, as they all came into these parts of America with one and the same end and aim, to advance the kingdom of our Lord Jesus Christ, and enjoy the liberties of the gospel in purity and peace, they conceived it their bounden duty to enter into a present confederation among themselves, for mutual help and strength in all future concernments; that, as in nation and religion, so in other respects they be and continue one, and hence-forth be called by the name of the united colonies of new-england.

They declare, that the said united colonies, for themselves and their posterity, did, jointly and severally, enter into a firm and per-petual league of friendship and amity, of offence and defence, mu-tual aid and succour, upon all just occasions, both for preserving and propagating the truth and liberty of the gospel, and for their own mutual safety and welfare.

The articles reserved to each colony an entire and distinct juris-diction. By them, no two colonies might be united in one, nor any other colony be received into the confederacy, without the consent of the whole.

Each colony was authorised to send two commissioners an-nually, always to be church members, to meet on the first Monday in September, first at Boston, then at Hartford, New-Haven, and Plymouth. This was to be the annual order, except that two meetings successively were always to be at Boston.

The commissioners, when met, were authorised to choose a president from among themselves, for the preservation of order. They were vested with plenary powers for making war and peace, laws and rules of a civil nature and of general concern. Espe-cially, to regulate the conduct of the inhabitants towards the Ind-ians, towards fugitives, for the general defence of the country, and for the encouragement and support of religion.

The expense of all wars, offensive or defensive, was to be borne in proportion to the number of the male inhabitants in each col­ony, between sixteen and sixty years of age.

Upon notice from three magistrates of any of the colonies of an invasion, the colonies were immediately to send assistance, the Massachusetts a hundred, and each of the other colonies forty-five men. If a greater number was necessary, the commissioners were to meet and determine the number.

All determinations of the commissioners, in which six were agreed, were binding upon the whole. If there were a majority, yet under six, the affair was to be referred to the general court




of each colony, and could not be obligatory, unless the courts unanimously concurred.

No colony might engage in a war, without the consent of the whole union, unless upon some urgent and sudden occasion. Even in such case, it was to be avoided as far as possible, con-sistent with the general safety.

If a meeting were summoned, upon any extraordinary occasion, and the whole number of commissioners did not attend, any four who were met, might, in cases which admitted of no delay, deter-mine upon a war, and send to each colony for its proportion of men. A number, however, less than six could not determine the justice of a war, nor have power to settle a bill of charges, nor make levies.

If either of the confederates should break any article of the confederation, or injure one of the other colonies, the affair was to be determined by the commissioners of the three other con-federates.

The articles also made provision, that all servants running from their masters, and criminals flying from justice, from one colony to another, should, upon demand, and proper evidence of their character, as fugitives, be returned to their masters, and to the colonies whence they had made their escape; that, in all cases, law and justice might have their course.

This was an union of the highest consequence to the New-Eng-land colonies. It made them formidable to the Dutch and Ind-ians, and respectable among their French neighbours. It was happily adapted to maintain a general harmony among them-selves, and to secure the peace and rights of the country. It was one of the principal means of the preservation of the colonies, during the civil wars and unsettled state of affairs in England. It was the grand source of mutual defence in Philip's war, and of the most eminent service in civilizing the Indians, and propagat-ing the gospel among them. The union subsisted more than forty years, until the abrogation of the charters of the New-England colonies, by king James the second.

This union was very seasonable. The Indians were so tu-multuous and hostile, that its whole influence was necessary to prevent a general war. The troubles originated in the ambitious and perfidious conduct of Miantonimoh, chief sachem of the Nar-ragansets. After the Pequot war, he attempted to set himself up as universal sachem over all the Indians in New-England. The old grudge and hatred which had subsisted between him and the Pequots, he now suffered to embitter and inflame his rancorous heart against Uncas and the Moheagans. Without any regard to the league made between him, the English, and the Moheagans, at Hartford, in 1638, when the Pequots were divided between him and Uncas, he practised murder and war against him. At the




same time, he used all the arts of which he was master, by pres-ents and intrigue, to inflame the Indians, and excite a general in-surrection against the English plantations. The Indians, through his influence, had been collecting arms and ammunition. There appeared among them a general preparation for war. The colo-nists were obliged to keep guards and watch every night, from the setting to the rising of the sun, and to guard their inhabitants from town to town, and from one place to another.

Connecticut was for making war immediately, and sent press-ing letters to the court at Boston, urging that a hundred men might be sent to Saybrook fort, to assist against the enemy, as circumstances might require. But the court of Massachusetts pretended to doubt of the facts alleged, and would not consent.

In the mean time Miantonimoh, in prosecution of his bloody designs, hired a Pequot, one of Uncas's men, to kill him. He made an attempt, in the spring, and shot Uncas through his arm. He then ran off to the Narragansets, reporting, through the Ind-ian towns, that he had killed Uncas. But when it was known that Uncas was not dead, though wounded, Miantonimoh and the Pequot contrived together, and reported that Uncas had cut through his arm with a flint, and then charged the Pequot with shooting him. However, Miantonimoh soon after going to Bos-ton, in company with the Pequot who had wounded Uncas, the governor and magistrates, upon examination, found clear evi-dence, that the Pequot was guilty of the crime, with which he had been charged. They had designs of apprehending him and sending him to Uncas, that he might be punished; but Miantoni-moh pleaded, that he might be suffered to return with him, and promised that he would send him to Uncas. Indeed, he so ex-culpated himself, and made such fair promises, that they gave up their designs, and permitted them to depart in peace. About two days after, Miantonimoh murdered the Pequot, on his re-turn, that he might make no further discovery of his treacherous conduct.

About the same time much trouble arose from Sequassen, a sachem upon Connecticut river. Several of his men killed a prin-cipal Indian belonging to Uncas. He, or some of his warriors, had also waylaid Uncas himself, as he was going down the said river, and shot several arrows at him. Uncas made complaint to the governor and court at Connecticut, of these outrages. Gov-ernor Haynes and the court took great pains to make peace be-tween Uncas and Sequassen. Upon hearing their several stories it appeared, that Uncas required, that six of Sequassen's men should be delivered to him, for the murder of his man, because he was a great man. Governor Haynes and the court laboured to dissuade Uncas from his demand of six men for one; and urged him to be satisfied upon Sequassen's delivering up the mur-




derer. At length, with much persuasion and difficulty, Uncas consented to accept of the murderer only. But Sequassen would not agree to deliver him. He was nearly allied to Miantonimoh, and one of his peculiar favorites. Sequassen chose rather to fight, than to make Uncas any compensation, expressing, at the same time, his dependence on Miantonimoh for assistance. It is not improbable, that it was through the influence of Miantonimoh, that he came to this resolution. Uncas and Sequassen fought. Sequassen was overcome. Uncas killed a number of his men and burned his wigwams.

Miantonimoh, without consulting the English, according to agreement, without proclaiming war, or giving Uncas the least information, raised an army of nine hundred, or a thousand men, and marched against him. Uncas's spies discovered the army at some distance and gave him intelligence. He was unprepared, but rallying between four and five hundred of his bravest men,1 he told them they must by no means suffer Miantonimoh to come into their town; but must go and fight him on his way. Having marched three or four miles, the armies met upon a large plain. When they had advanced within fair bow shot of each other, Un-cas had recourse to a stratagem, with which he had previously acquainted his warriors. He desired a parley, and both armies halted in the face of each other. Uncas, gallantly advancing in the front of his men, addressed Miantonimoh to this effect, "You have a number of stout men with you, and so have I with me. It is a great pity that such brave warriors should be killed in a private quarrel between us only. Come like a man, as you profess to be, and let us fight it out. If you kill me, my men shall be yours; but if I kill you, your men shall be mine." Miantonimoh replied, "My men came to fight, and they shall fight." Uncas falling instantly upon the ground, his men discharged a shower of arrows upon the Narragansets; and, without a moment's interval, rushing upon them, in the most furious manner, with their hid-eous Indian yell, put them immediately to flight. The Moheagans pursued the enemy with the same fury and eagerness with which they commenced the action. The Narragansets were driven down rocks and precipices, and chased like a doe by the huntsman. Among others, Miantonimoh was exceedingly pressed. Some of Uncas's bravest men, who were most light of foot, coming up with him, twitched him back, impeding his flight, and passed him, that Uncas might take him. Uncas was a stout man, and rushing forward, like a lion greedy of his prey, seized him by his shoulder. He knew Uncas, and saw that he was now in the power of the

1Miss Caulkins, in her history of Norwich, insists that this is a large overesti-mate of the forces on both sides, and that an inquiry into the effective force of each tribe will show that one-half the number named above would be more nearly cor-rect. Winthrop is the authority followed by Trumbull and others; and no other authority seems available.-J. T.




man whom he had hated, and by all means attempted to destroy; but he sat down sullen and spake not a word. Uncas gave the Indian whoop and called up his men, who were behind, to his assistance. The victory was complete. About thirty of the Nar-ragansets were slain, and a much greater number wounded. Among the latter was a brother of Miantonimoh and two sons of Canonicus, a chief sachem of the Narraganset Indians. The brother of Miantonimoh was not only wounded, but armed with a coat of mail, both which retarded his flight. Two of Miantoni-moh's captains, who formerly were Uncas's men, but had treach-erously deserted him, discovering his situation, took him and carried him to Uncas, expecting in this way to reconcile them-selves to their sachem. But Uncas and his men slew them. Mi-antonimoh made no request, either for himself or his men; but continued in the same sullen, speechless mood. Uncas, therefore, demanded of him why he would not speak. Said he, "Had you taken me, I should have besought you for my life." Uncas, for the present, spared his life, though he would not ask it, and re-turned with great triumph to Moheagan, carrying the Narragan-set Sachem, as an illustrious trophy of his victory.1

The famous Samuel Gorton and his company had purchased lands of Miantonimoh, under the jurisdiction of Massachusetts and Plymouth; and expected to be vindicated in their claims, by him, against those colonies, and against the Massachusetts and Plymouth sachems, who were the original proprietors. There-fore, when the news of Uncas' victory, and of the capture of Mian-tonimoh, arrived at Providence, they sent to Uncas to deliver Miantonimoh, threatening him that the power of the English should be employed against him, if he refused a compliance. Un-cas, therefore, carried his prisoner to Hartford, to advise with the governor and magistrates, with respect to his conduct in such a situation.

The governor and magistrates were of the opinion that, as there was no open war between them and the Narragansets, it was not prudent for them to intermeddle with the quarrel; but advised, that the whole affair should be referred to the commis-sioners of the united colonies at their meeting in September.

How long Miantonimoh continued speechless, does not appear; but it is certain, that when he came to Hartford, his mouth was opened. He most earnestly pleaded to be left in the custody of the English. He probably expected more safety and better treat-ment with them, than with Uncas. Uncas consented to leave him

1This account is taken from a manuscript of Mr. Hyde, of Norwich, from gov-ernor Winthrop's Journal, and from the records of the united colonies, in one or other of which, all the facts are ascertained. The manuscript represents Mianto-nimoh as having 900, and Uncas 600 men. The records of the united colonies rep-resent, that Miantonimoh had 900, or 1000 men, and that Uncas had not half so many. Governor Winthrop's account is essentially the same.




at Hartford, but insisted that he should be kept as his prisoner. He was, therefore, kept under guard at Hartford, until the meet-ing of the commissioners.

On the 7th of September, the commissioners met at Boston, Governor Winthrop and Thomas Dudley, Esquires, were com-missioners for Massachusetts; George Fenwick and Edward Hopkins, Esquires, for Connecticut; and Theophilus Eaton and Thomas Gregson, Esquires, for New-Haven.1 Governor Win-throp was chosen President. The whole affair of Uncas and Miantonimoh was laid before the commissioners, and the facts already related were, in their opinion, fully proved; not only his attempts upon the life of Uncas, but that he had been the principal author of inflaming and stirring up the Indians to a general con-federacy against all the English plantations. It also appeared that, instead of delivering the Pequot, who had shot Uncas, as he promised in open court, he had murdered him on the road from Boston to Narraganset. It was also affirmed to the commission-ers, that the Narragansets had sent for the Mohawks, and that they were come within a day's journey of the English settlements, and were kept back only by the capture of Miantonimoh: That they were waiting for his release, and then would prosecute their designs against the English, or Uncas, or against both, as the Indians should determine. The commissioners, having fully con-sidered the premises, laid the affair before five or six of the prin-cipal ministers in Massachusetts, and took their advice relative to the lawfulness and justice of putting him to death. They gave it as their opinion, that he ought to be put to death. The com-missioners finally resolved, "That as it, was evident that Uncas could not be safe, while Miantonimoh lived; but that, either by secret treachery or open force, his life would be continually in danger, he might justly put such a false and blood-thirsty en-emy to death." They determined Uncas should not do it in any of the English plantations, but in his own jurisdiction. At the same time, they advised, that no torture or cruelty, but all mercy and moderation be exercised in the manner of his exe-cution.

The commissioners also determined, that if the Narragansets, or any other Indians, should unjustly assault Uncas, on the ac-count of the execution of Miantonimoh, the English should, upon his desire, assist him against such violence.2

Governor Winthrop writes, "It was clearly discovered to us, that there was a general conspiracy among the Indians, to cut off all the English; and that Miantonimoh was the head and contriver of it: That he was of a turbulent and proud spirit, and

1The commissioners for Plymouth are not upon record this year. It is probable that they did not arrive until after the commissioners had formed.

2Records of the united colonies.




would never be at rest: and that he had killed the Pequot con-trary to his promise.1

The commissioners had received intimations, that the Narra-gansets had it in contemplation to capture one or more of them, with a view to the redemption of Miantonimoh. Their determina-tion respecting his execution, was therefore kept as a profound secret, until after the return of the commissioners of Connecticut and New-Haven, lest it should inflame and engage them, in ear-nest, to make the attempt.

Previously to the meeting of the commissioners, the Dutch governor had written a letter to governor Winthrop, containing high congratulations on the union of the colonies, and at the same time making grievous complaints of Connecticut and New-Haven, as having committed unsufferable injuries against the Dutch, and as having given misinformation respecting them to their agent in Europe. He desired a categorical answer from governor Win-throp, whether he would aid or desert them, that he might know who were his friends, and who were his enemies. The governor, after consulting with some few of his council, who were at hand, wrote an answer, in part, to the Dutch governor, reserving to himself one more full, at the session of the general court. He represented his sorrow for the differences which had arisen be-tween the Dutch and his brethren at Hartford, suggesting that they might be settled by arbitrators, either in England, Holland, or America. He observed, that by the articles of confederation, each colony was obliged to seek the safety and welfare of the other colonies, no less than its own. He hoped however, that this would not interrupt the friendship which had subsisted between them and the Dutch. The governor observed, that the controversy at Hartford was for a small piece of land only, which, in so vast a continent as this, was of too little value to make a breach between protestants so related in profession and religion, as the Dutch and English were. He therefore earnestly desired, that each party would carefully avoid all injuries, until the differences between them should be amicably accommodated, by an impartial hearing and adjudication, either in Europe or America.2

The affair was now brought before the commissioners. Gov-ernor Eaton and Mr. Gregson complained of the outrages which the Dutch had committed against the persons and property of the English, within the limits of New-Haven, at Delaware, and in other places, and made proof of the injuries of which they com-plained. The conduct of the Dutch towards Connecticut was also laid before the commissioners, by governor Hopkins and Mr. Fenwick.

Upon which the president was directed to write a letter, in the name of the commissioners, to the Dutch governor, stating

1Winthrop's Journal, p. 305, 306.

2 Ibid., p 303, 304, 305.




the particular injuries which the Dutch had done the English colonies, and to demand satisfaction. It was also directed, that, as governor Winthrop had, in part answered the Dutch govern-or's letter respecting Connecticut, he would now, in further answer to it, particularize the injuries done, both to Connecticut and New-Haven, and demand an answer. He was also author-ised to assure the Dutch, that as they would not wrong others, so neither would they desert their confederates in a just cause.1

The Indians, at this period were beginning to acquire the use of fire arms. The French, Dutch and others, for the sake of gain, were vending them arms and ammunition. The Indians were in such a tumultuous and hostile state, as had the appearance of a general war. The commissioners therefore gave orders, that the militia, in the several colonies, should be frequently trained, and completely furnished with arms and ammunition. All the companies were to be mustered and reviewed four times in a year. It was ordered, that all the towns should prepare magazines, in proportion to the number of their militia.

The commissioners, having given the necessary directions for the execution of Miantonimoh, and for the general safety of the country, dispersed and returned to their respective colonies.

Immediately, upon the return of the commissioners of Con-necticut and New-Haven, Uncas, with a competent number of his most trusty men, was ordered to repair forthwith to Hartford. He was made acquainted with the determination of the commis-sioners, and, receiving his prisoner, marched with him to the spot where he had been taken. At the instant they arrived on the ground, one of Uncas's men, who marched behind Miantonimoh, split his head with a hatchet, killing him at a single stroke. He was probably unacquainted with his fate, and knew not by what means he fell. Uncas cut out a large piece of his shoulder, and ate it in savage tritlmph. He said, "it was the sweetest meat he ever ate, it made his heart strong."

The Moheagans, by the order of Uncas, buried him at the place of his execution, and erected a great heap, or pillar, upon his grave. This memorable event gave the place the name of Sa-chem's Plain.2 Two Englishmen were sent with Uncas, to wit-ness that the execution was done, and to prevent all torture and cruelty in the manner of its performance. Connecticut and New-Haven, agreeably to the direction of the commissioners, sent a party of soldiers to Moheagan, to defend Uncas against any as-

1Records of the united colonies.

2Manuscript of Mr. Hyde. This plain is in the eastern part of the town of Norwich.

note.-The manuscript of Richard Hyde here and previously referred to is dated October 9,1769, and therefore is presumably a record of traditions which had existed 126 years regarding incidents which would naturally gather dramatic features during such a period. It appears incredible to Miss Caulkins that the execution should have taken place here. Winthrop's Journal places it between Hartford and Windsor.-J. T.




sault which might be made upon him by the Narragansets, in consequence of the execution of their sachem.

Governor Winthrop, at the same time, according to the orders which he had received from the commissioners, dispatched mes-sengers to Canonicus, the Narraganset sachem, and the Narra-ganset Indians, to certify them, that the English had noticed their perfidy, in violating the league between them and the English, from time to time, notwithstanding the English had treated them with love and integrity. They assured them, that they had dis-covered their mischievous plots, in joining with Miantonimoh, in purchasing aid of the Indians, and, by gifts, threats, and allure-ments, exciting them to a confederacy to root out the whole body of the English. They represented to them their treachery in wag-ing war with Uncas, contrary to their express covenant with him, and with the English. They justified the execution of Miantoni-moh, by Uncas, as he was his lawful captive, and as he had prac-tised treachery and murder against him and his subjects. They insisted, that it was both just and agreeable to the practice of the Indians in similar cases. It was declared to be necessary for the safety of Uncas, the peace of the country, and even of the Narra-gansets themselves. While they firmly and fully represented these facts to them, they, in the name of the united colonies, ten-dered them peace and safety. They assured them, that they would defend Uncas and all their allies, whether English or Indians, in their just rights: that if they desired peace, they would exercise equal care and friendship towards them.1

The commissioners gave orders, that Connecticut should pro-vide for the defence of Uncas against any assault or fury of the Narragansets, or any other Indians.

Upon the general election at New-Haven in October, governor Eaton and Mr. Stephen Goodyear, were re-elected governor and deputy-governor. Mr. William Fowler and Mr. Edward Tapp were elected magistrates for Milford, and Thurston Rayner for Stamford. This year, for the first time, the general court at New-Haven, are distinctly recorded and distinguished by the names of governor, deputy-governor, magistrates, and deputies.

It appears that the plantation at Yennycock had not fully at-tended to the fundamental article of admitting none to be free burgesses, but members of the church. It was, therefore, at this general court, decreed, "That none should be admitted free bur-gesses in any of the plantations, but such as were members of some approved church in New-England: that such only should have any vote in elections; and that no power for ordering any civil affairs, should be put into the hands of any but such."

It was enacted, that each town in the jurisdiction should choose their own judges, in ordinary cases. They were authorised to

1Records of the United Colonies.




judge in civil cases, not exceeding twenty shillings, and in crim-inal cases, in which the punishment did not exceed setting the delinquent in the stocks, whipping him, or fining not exceeding five pounds. If there were a magistrate, or magistrates, in the towns in which these town courts were holden, then the magis-trate, or magistrates, were to sit in the court, and judgment was to be given with a due respect to their advice. From these courts, there was liberty of appeal to the court of magistrates.

It was granted, that all the free burgesses in the plantations, should vote in the choice of governors, magistrates, secretary, and treasurer. It was also granted, that each town should have a magistrate, if they desired it, chosen from among their own free burgesses.

At this general court, a court of magistrates was appointed, consisting of all the magistrates in the jurisdiction. They were to meet twice, annually, at New-Haven, on the Mondays preced-ing the general courts in April and October. This court was authorised to receive appeals from the plantation courts, and to try all important causes, civil and criminal. Every magistrate was obliged, on penalty of a fine, to give his attendance. Four magis-trates constituted a quorum. All judgments of the court were to be determined by a major vote. All trials were decided by the bench. It does not appear that juries were ever used in the colony of New-Haven.

The court enacted, that there should be two general courts for this colony, to meet at New-Haven, on the first Wednesday in April, and the last in October, annually. It was decreed, that the general court should consist of a deputy-governor, magistrates, and two deputies from each town. In the last of these general courts, a governor, deputy-governor, magistrates, secretary, treasurer, and marshal, or high sheriff, were to be annually chosen. The governor, or, in his absence, the deputy-governor, had power to call a general court, upon pressing emergencies, and whenever it might be necessary. All the members were obliged to attend, upon penalty of twenty shillings fine, in case of default. It was ordained, that in this court should subsist the supreme power of the commonwealth.

It was particularly ordained that the general court should, with all care and diligence, endeavour to maintain the purity of relig-ion, and to suppress all irreligion, according to the best light they could obtain from the divine oracles, and by the advice of the elders and churches in the jurisdiction, so far as it might concern the civil power.1

The Dutch were this year exceedingly harassed and distressed by the Indians, and made application to governor Eaton and the general court, soliciting that a hundred men might be raised in

1Records of New-Haven, fol. vol. i. p. 73, 74, 75.




the plantations, for their assistance against such barbarous en-emies.

The war between the Dutch and Indians began in this manner. A drunken Indian, in his intoxication, killed a Dutchman. The Dutch demanded the murderer, but he was not to be found. They then made application to their governor to avenge the mur-der. He, judging it would be unjust or unsafe, considering the numbers of the Indians, and the weak and scattered state of the Dutch settlements, neglected to comply with their repeated solici-tations. In the mean time the Mohawks, as the report was, ex-cited by the Dutch, fell suddenly on the Indians, in the vicinity of the Dutch settlements, and killed nearly thirty of them. Others fled to the Dutch for protection. One Marine, a Dutch captain, getting intelligence of their state, made application to the Dutch governor, and obtained a commission to kill as many of them as it should be in his power. Collecting a company of armed men, he fell suddenly upon the Indians, while they were unapprehen-sive of danger, and made a promiscuous slaughter of men, women and children, to the number of seventy or eighty. This instantly roused the Indians, in that part of the country, to a furious, ob-stinate and bloody war. In the spring, and beginning of the sum-mer, they burnt the Dutch out-houses; and driving their cattle into their barns, they burned the barns and cattle together. They killed twenty or more of the Dutch people, and pressed so hard upon them that they were obliged to take refuge in their fort, and to seek help of the English. The Indians upon Long-Island united in the war with those on the main, and burned the Dutch houses and barns. The Dutch governor in this situation, invited captain Underhill from Stamford to assist him in the war. Ma-rine, the Dutch captain, was so exasperated with this proceeding that he presented his pistol at the governor, and would have shot him, but was prevented by one who stood by him. Upon this one of Marine's tenants discharged his musket at the governor, and the ball but just missed him. The governor's sentinel shot the tenant and killed him on the spot. The Dutch, who at first were so forward for a war with the Indians, were now, when they experienced the loss and dangers of it, so irritated at the gov-ernor, for the orders which he had given, that he could not trust himself among them. He was obliged to keep a constant guard of fifty Englishmen about his person.1 In the summer and fall the Indians killed fifteen more of the Dutch people, and drove in all the inhabitants of the English and Dutch settlements, west of Stamford.

In prosecution of their works of destruction, they made a visit

1Brodhead, in his History of N. Y., citing documentary authorities, insists that this is an error of Winthrop's, which Trumbull follows, and that these fifty Englishmen under Underhill were among the regularly enrolled forces for the de-fence of the Dutch.-J. T.




to the neighbourhood where Mrs. Hutchinson, who had been so famous, at Boston, for her Antinomian and familistical tenets, had made a settlement. The Indians, at first, appeared with the same friendship with which they used to frequent her house; but they murdered her and all her family, Mr. Collins, her son in law, and several other persons, belonging to other families in the neigh-bourhood. Eighteen persons were killed in the whole. The Ind-ians, with an implacable fury, prosecuted the destruction of the Dutch, and of their property, in all that part of the country. They killed and burned their cattle, horses and barns without resistance. Having destroyed the settlements in the country, they passed over to the Dutch plantations on Long-Island, doing all the mischief of which they were capable. The Dutch, who escaped, were con-fined to their fort, and were obliged to kill and eat their cattle, for their subsistence. Their case was truly distressing.1 It de-manded succour as far as it could have been consistently given.

Governor Eaton and the general court, having maturely con-sidered the purport of the Dutch governor's letter, rejected the proposal for raising men and assisting in the war against the Ind-ians. Their principal reasons were, that joining separately in war, was prohibited by the articles of confederation; and that they were not satisfied that the Dutch war with the Indians was just.

Nevertheless it was determined, that if the Dutch needed corn and provisions for men or cattle, by reason of the destruction which the Indians had made, the court would give them all the assistance in its power.2

The war continued several years, and was bloody and destruc-tive both to the Dutch and Indians. Captain Underhill had the principal management of it, and was of great service to the Dutch. He collected a flying army of a hundred and twenty, and some-times of a hundred and fifty men, English and Dutch, by which he preserved the Dutch settlements from total destruction. It was supposed, that, upon Long-Island and on the main, he killed between four and five hundred Indians.3

The Indians at Stamford too much caught the spirit of the west-ern Indians in their vicinity, who were at war with the Dutch. They appeared so tumultuous and hostile, that the people at Stamford were in great fear, that they should soon share the fate of the settlements at the westward of them. They wrote to the general court at New-Haven, that in their apprehensions there were just grounds of a war with those Indians, and that if their houses should be burned, because the other plantations would not consent to war, they ought to bear the damage.

The Narraganset Indians were enraged at the death of their sachem. The English were universally armed. The strictest

1Winthrop's Journal. p. 272, 273 and 308.

2Records of New-Haven.

3Dr. Belknap's Hist. vol. i. p. 50





watch and guard was kept in all the plantations. In Connecticut, every family, in which there was a man capable of bearing arms was obliged to send one complete in arms, every Lord's day, to defend the places of public worship. Indeed all places wore the aspect of a general war.